Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 1 – Many people assume
that the neo-traditionalist course of the Putin Administration is moving
Russian society to the right opening the way to a right-wing dictatorship, but
in fact, Kseniya Kirillova notes, there are many indications that Russian
society is moving to the left on key issues of social justice.
That shift, revealed in polls and
popular reactions to problems with healthcare, income differentiation and
corruption, she says, has not attracted as much attention as moves to the right
because most Russians still place their hopes for resolution in a paternalist
state rather than on their own (planeta.media/articles/11695-kseniya-kirillova-kreml-medlenno-ubivaet-svoj-narod/).
As long as such attitudes about the
state persist, protests about these issues are likely to remain small, the
US-based Russian analyst says; but these attitudes nonetheless pose a challenge
to Putin in his next term because society expects him to address their concerns
and is increasingly angry that he has done little more than make promises.
Over time, that divide between promises
and reality could alter the attitude of the population toward the state or at
least its current rulers and at the very least lead to more vocal calls for
change. To the extent that the Kremlin responds to these at least rhetorically,
that day will come sooner rather than later.
And thus the assumption many make
that Putin can buy off the population with wars and circuses but not worry
about providing them with bread, the usual second part of that equation, is likely
to prove increasingly problematic, leaving the Kremlin leader with less enthusiastic
support and more criticism and possibly even the emergence of a challenge from
the left.
In support of her argument,
Kirillova cites the recent observation of Leonty Byzov, a senior scholar at the
Moscow Institute of Sociology that “today’s demands for change ‘bear primarily
a left-statist character (mk.ru/politics/2018/01/25/novyy-srok-putina-budet-ochen-tyazhelym-dlya-nego-i-strany.html).
This demand, he says, “must not be
called simply leftist because that term presupposes a certain civic activity –
the establishment of trade unions, the struggle for one’s rights and so one.
Here no such desires are being followed. People are not ready to do anything
for themselves: they only appeal to the powers.”
“This is a demand for a paternalist
state, for a state which would begin to be concerned about everyone. But the powers
that be are not in a position to satisfy this demand. The dynamic is obvious:
the left-statist component of the Putin majority is actively displaying the right,
which is connected with national identity, ‘the Russian spring,’ and similar
things.”
In first place now, Byzov says, is “the
dissatisfaction of people with the extreme social injustice” they see around them.
That attitude may not yet lead to protests, but it is one that the powers in
the Kremlin cannot ignore even if they are very unsure of how to deal with it
effectively.
Kirillova points to how the
authorities in recent months have made the situation worse by not addressing
environmental concerns like radiation leaks, optimizing health care to the point
that ever more Russians are suffering and dying, and failing to take steps to
reduce the yawning inequality between rich and poor.
Because of the election campaign,
Putin and some others are saying more about these issues than they did earlier;
but the government isn’t yet acting in a way to effectively address them.
Indeed, it seems almost tone deaf to a set of attitudes among ever more
Russians that are completely at odds with its own.
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