Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 20 – In Soviet times,
Moscow officials always spoke of “Central Asia and Kazakhstan,” setting off the
latter from the former not only because until the mid-1980s, ethnic Russians
represented a plurality of the population and ethnic Kazakhs were significantly
less Islamic than were the nations of Central Asia proper.
But now the Russians have lost their
plurality, and Kazakhs have been speculating about the possibility that they
may be an even more ethnically homogeneous country than many others. (See windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2018/04/will-kazakhstans-becoming-mono-ethnic.html,
camonitor.kz/30986-chto-budet-esli-v-strane-ostanutsya-odni-kazahi-chast-2.html and camonitor.kz/31018-chto-budet-esli-v-strane-ostanutsya-odni-kazahi-chast-3-ya.html.)
Now, in the wake of a poll which
found that 79.6 percent of Kazakh youth are religious (Muslim) and ten percent
of them are actively so, some in that country are asking what may be an even
more fateful question: will Kazakhstan remain a secular state or will it become
Islamic when this generation displaces holdovers from Soviet times?
According to Central Asian Monitor
analyst Saule Isabayeva, “almost all our experts, who are older, are inclined
to the view that the secular character of the state will be preserved,” but “few
of them deny the possibility of a second scenario” given young people’s interest
in Islam “and not only classical” (camonitor.kz/31016-kakim-stanet-nashe-obschestvo-esli-islam-vozmet-verh-nad-svetskostyu.html).
At present, she says, evidence of the
Islamization of Kazakhstan is relatively scarce, but there are signs that it
may grow, given calls to make Fridays a non-working day and suggestions that
the government should allow the opening of private schools with Islamic instruction
rather than secular.
Only a few years ago, such proposals
“would have seemed absurd and unacceptable,” Isabayeva continues. But now there
is a sense that “sooner or later the authorities will be forced to look for
some kind of compromise despite their current principled position on these questions.”
She asked three Kazakhs for their
views on whether Kazakhstan could become an Islamic state and what that would
mean if it happened.
Serzhan Amanov, a biologist, responded
that young Kazakhs are turning to religion largely because of “the degradation
of ideology in Kazakhstan which is leading to a decline of moral values in
society and to the conclusion that religious values are a salvation.” That so
many young people have made that choice reflects “the sharp decline” in the
level of education.
What we are seeing, he said, are “the
first symptoms of a religious state which in our case will be a Muslim state.”
And Kazakhs should realize what that will mean: they don’t need to imagine
anything, they simply need to look at Kazakhstan’s neighbors, Iran or
Afghanistan, to see what that would mean.
Madina Nurgaliyeva, a political
scientist, offered a somewhat different view. She says that her research shows
that there is no close link “between religiosity and faith” especially among the
young. Instead, young people look at religion almost as a fashion, and that in
turn is leading to “the banalization of religion” and “the loss of its sacred
content.”
“The absolute majority of ‘believers,’”
she said, “are from religious families where both parents or at least one of
them, most often the mother, are believers.” But there is a portion of young
Kazakhs who have gone one step further: as Muslims, “they do not want to have
any relations with non-believers and want to see Kazakhstan be a country” where
religion dominates.
Given such attitudes, the state will
need to make some compromises; but the real challenge is not to fight off the
rise of an Islamist state but rather to come up with “the choice of a more
acceptable model of a secular state,” one in which religion will matter more
for individuals but not dominate the country as a whole.
And Kanat Nurov, head of the
Aspandau Educational Foundation, observed that “the further Islamization of
Kazakhstan’s society” is happening and Islamism is not a challenge to the secular
nature of the state. It isn’t a case of
something 20 or 30 years in the future but rather an issue right now.
With the rise of Islamic youth,
Kazakhstan will become more Islamic. “In the best case, it will become like the
Turkish or Uzbek state,” secular at one level but with Islam playing a far
greater role than now. It is hardly likely that it will become a
theocratic state like Iran although that cannot be excluded entirely.
Should that happen, he suggested,
the ethnic face and identity of Kazakhs would be radically changed or even
lost. A movement toward pure Islam would
lead to the discarding of many of the uniquely Kazakh aspects of Kazakh
identity, and that would be a tragedy for those like himself who are proud of
being Kazakh, Nurov continued.
If Kazakhstan became an Islamic or Islamist
state, the scholar said, there would be some pluses: less alcoholism and drug
abuse, for example. There also wouldn’t be any problem with the birthrate. “But there would be less personal freedom,”
and the country would close itself off from the broader world.
Having fought off Russification and
other forms of assimilation in the past, he said, “we could ourselves with the
help of Islam eliminate our national identity and lose our former
self-identification.”
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, he noted, “was
forced to give the Turks what was in essence a new and quite abstract ‘Tyurks,’
because the Seljuks (Oghuz) had begun to call themselves simply Muslims.” Something similar could happen to the
Kazakhs. To fight that, Kazakhstan must promote its current model of Islam lest
the Kazakhs themselves suffer.
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