Paul Goble
Staunton,
January 4 – Vadim Shteppa, the Tallinn-based regionalist from Karelia who has
been editing the After Empire portal
for the last two years, has launched a new project, Region. Expert, which he describes as a web journal on
regionalism and federalism in Russia” (region.expert/o-proekte/).
“Contemporary Russia, despite its
official name, is in fact not a federation,” Shteppa writes. His new portal
will be “devoted to an analysis of this situation and … the prospects of
Russian regionalism and federalism. The majority of [its] authors will in various
regions of the Russian federation and thus see this more clearly than do ‘federal’
political scientists.”
“On the Region. Expert portal, he continues, “we will continue to combine
analysis and attention to regional news which are not noticed by the ‘central’
media,” just as was the case in the After
Empire site. As such, it promises to
be essential reading for all those who are concerned about Russia as a country
and not just as an extension of Moscow.
The first article, by Mikhail
Kulekhov, an Irkutsk historian and commentator, focuses on the frequent claim
by Moscow and Russian imperial nationalists that the entire world is only
waiting to carve up Russia and thus is prepared to conspire with regional and
republic forces to tear Russia apart (region.expert/nobody/).
That
is nonsense, he says, and dangerous nonsense because it undermines any
possibility for federalism and leads some in the regions to expect that others
will come to their aid and hand them what they seek, a demobilizing phenomenon
that regionalists and federalists have a compelling need to overcome.
“Not
only in the last 300 years ha sone country in the world attempted officially to
help any ‘separatists’ in Russia, be it the Russian Empire, the USSR or the
Russian Federation,” Kulekhov says. “No one even once has tried to ‘dismember
Russia.’ Instead, foreign countries have viewed it as a single whole” with
which one could fight or cooperate as needed.
“The
disintegration of the USSR presented an enormous problem for the West,” he
continues. First and foremost, they had to figure out how to cope with the
issue of nuclear weapons; but then, they also had to decide how to relate to
countries that had been part of a single whole.
Few countries have recognized the breakaway republics of
Abkhazia, South Osetia or Transdniestria or the Anschluss of Crimea “for one
single reason.” None of these places had the kind of referenda the
international community now requires for it to grand recognition. (In Crimea, the referendum wasn’t about
leaving Ukraine but rather joining Russia.)
The
only case where a country received independence “without a referendum” was Kosovo,
where it happened by a vote of the parliament which was accepted
internationally because that country was the victim of ethnic cleansings and
much violence, the Irkutsk writer says.
The
same barrier now faces those places close to independence like Quebec, Scotland
and Catalonia, and the reaction of the international community to them is to
ask first and foremost “how will the new states be able to maintain order on
their territories and fulfill the obligations of the former states.”
However
much sympathy some in the West may feel toward the liberation struggle in the
former Soviet Union or the Russian Federation “from imperial and colonial
dependence, no one is going to ‘get involved’ in this from the outside. They
are going to think about themselves first and about the devil they know rather
than devils they don’t.
Western
leaders view the current Russian rulers as known quantities. “Everyone knows
what can be expected of them and how to deal with them if they violate
international laws or obligations they have assumed.” No one knows how any new
states would behave and so no state wants to take the chance.
To
be sure, “certain private persons and public organizations in the West can
sympathize with regionalists in Russia, but this in no case will be reflected in
official policy,” Kulekhov says. And
that is something that participants in the liberation movements need to clearly
understand and accept.
They
can count “only on their own forces, foreseeing all the inevitable problems and
difficulties which will arise during the realization of our plans and programs,”
he concludes; and they can be “certain that there will be more than enough of
those.”
No comments:
Post a Comment