Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 21 – Aleksandr Dyukov,
the historian who heads Moscow’s Historical Memory Foundation, says there are three
reasons why Stalin’s deportations of whole nations, while often less fatal for
those involved that confinement in the GULAG, nonetheless continue to cast a
darker shadow on Russia to this day.
In the course of a discussion on the
history and meaning of deportations organized by the Lenta news agency, Dyukov
lists three reasons for that conclusion: First, deportation unlike GULAG
incarceration was not the result of actions by institutions constituted to
establish individual guilt, however falsely (lenta.ru/articles/2019/06/18/deportation/).
Instead, it was the result of administrative
decision by the Kremlin or by subordinate ministries and was and remains something
that many view as more political, making any reckoning about it far more
difficult for the successor state. There simply aren’t as many possibilities of
a narrow legal rehabilitation in this case.
Second, those who were sent to the GULAG
by the Stalinist troikas were at least treated as individuals even when they
fit into a particular class of enemies of the regime. But those who were
deported were deported not as individuals but as members of a class as such.
Once you were identified as a Crimean Tatar, a kulak or a Jehovah’s Witness,
you were to be deported.
And third, while the GULAG was a mass
phenomenon, its inmates were all individuals, “the hostages of individual fates
each of which had passed through various degrees of caricatured quasi-judicial
organs” who treated them as individuals with “first names, patronymics, and last
names.” Those deported were never accorded even that mark of respect.
“It is well-known,” Dyukov continues, “that
an individual may change his social status, but it is practically impossible to
change his ethnic one. Therefore, purges and repressions carried on an ethnic basis
always are viewed as more serious because an individual becomes the victim of
that which he cannot change.”
According to the historian and activist, “this
approach gives rise to problems which last far longer than deportations on the
basis of social status because this community supported from within does not
disappear and memory about these actions continues” even after the last
immediate victims pass from the scene.
That reality has forced Russian officials
to turn again and again to the challenge of rehabilitating those deported on an
ethnic basis, actions that inevitably help keep these memories alive and call attention
to the especially criminal nature of the Stalinist state and its analogy to other
totalitarian regimes.
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