Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 25 – Ninety-seven
years ago today, the Soviet state ordered the extermination of the Cossacks, an
action that scholars now refer to as a “genocide or a “stratum-ocide” and that
Cossack activists say has left an unhealed wound in their ranks because they “have
been rehabilitated only on paper.”
As many as three million Cossacks, including
their wives and children, were killed simply because they were Cossacks, an
action that has led many to characterize this early Soviet crime as a genocide
(rusproject.org/node/1312). But because the Cossacks at that
time were defined as a social stratum rather than an ethnos, many scholars
oppose using that term.
Instead,
they advocate calling the destruction of the Cossacks of Rusisa a “stratocide,”
or destruction of a stratum (veshki-bazar.ru/docs/history/raskazachivanie-kak-socialno-istoricheskaya-problema/). But however
that may be, the Soviets nearly wiped them out, and post-Soviet Russia has not
fully rehabilitated them despite Moscow’s promises in the 1990s.
The
Soviets like many others to this day viewed the Cossacks as one of the chief
defenders of the tsarist regime and thus as an enemy that had to be
destroyed. And they focused on only the
Cossack community in the Don, Kuban and Terek regions of southern Russia as a
major threat to the Bolshevik revolution.
But
both these perceptions were wrong or at least seriously incomplete. Yes, Cossack units supported the tsarist
regime and the anti-Bolshevik White movement; but many ordinary Cossacks were
on the side of the revolution and fought in the Red Army. Nonetheless, the 1919 decree lumped all
Cossacks together, although in practice distinctions were sometimes made.
And
yes the so-called Triune Cossack lands of the Don, Kuban and Terek hosts were
the most numerous and historically resonant of Cossack units, but there were
ten other Cossack hosts spread out across the country, some of whom were
completely different and even practiced Buddhism or Islam. Again, Moscow did
not make distinctions.
Later
during World War II, Stalin drew on Cossack military traditions and permitted
some Cossack symbols to reemerge, but throughout the Soviet period, the
Cossacks remained under suspicion of being fundamentally on the side of the
exploiters and on the side of extreme Russian nationalists.
When
Soviet power collapsed, two things happened. On the one hand, many Cossacks
rushed to restore their identities, and others, the so-called “new Cossacks,”
often people with no genuine Cossack roots, came to join or compete with them
because of the sense that the Cossacks were the bearers of Russian identity and
would help Russia recover (ruskline.ru/news_rl/2016/01/25/cherez_kazachestvo_vozroditsya_rossiya/).
And
on the other, the Russian government formally rehabilitated the Cossacks and
promised to restore their rights. But as Cossack leaders today say, those
promises have remained on paper, especially those regarding the restoration of
Cossack lands (ng.ru/regions/2016-01-25/6_kazaki.html).
Under
Putin, the Cossacks have been given some official support – as of today, for
example, all Russian courts in Moscow are to be guarded by Cossack units – but this
support has come at a steep price for the Cossacks. Only those Cossack
organizers that the state agrees to register have any rights or even access to
the authorities; the remainder are excluded from that.
Indeed, in the
bitter words of one ataman quoted by “Nezavisimaya gazeta” today, the Cossacks
of Russia today are only allowed to act like a “folkloric” group, amusing
others but having no real standing. That
has alienated many of them, putting them again at odds with a state that now
pretends to speak in their name.
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