Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 20 – By the mid-2030s,
Sergey Zuyev, an urban specialist at the Russian Academy of Economics and State
Service, says, “more than 30 percent” of Russia’s population will be
concentrated in and around the capital,” Moscow, a development that can be
either open new possibilities or create new tragedies for the city and the
country as a whole.
This outcome, the coordinator of the
experts group for the development of a plan for the socio-economic development
of Moscow, says not only reflects the growth in the population of Moscow by 4.5
million since 1991 but also the perhaps as many as 4 million more that
demolishing the khrushchoby may make possible (rosbalt.ru/moscow/2017/05/18/1616213.html).
Moscow already has
a population density almost that of Hong Kong, something that is “neither good
nor bad” in itself, he continues. That is because if there is sufficient
infrastructure, it can stimulate “the development of new kinds of production
and new economics” but if it reflects only the growth of housing within such
infrastructure can lead to disaster.
Most
of the growth of Moscow since 1991 reflects immigration first by Russian
speakers from non-Russian countries or from Russia east of the Urals, mostly of
people will relatively high levels of education, and more recently by
gastarbeiters from Central Asia, who have been increasing Moscow’s population
over the last 15 years by 50-60,000 annually.
“Moscow has one very big problem,”
Zuyev says. “It is absolutely monocentric. In a very small area are
concentrated all functions which make the city a city: administrative,
political, cultural, touristic, and business. The issue here is not even in
roads [and other forms of infrastructure] but in functional divisions.”
There
should appear “alternative centers of attraction for human, transportation, and
financial-economic flows. This is an issue of a serious special policy in the
framework of which the project of the renovation [of the five-storey
khrushchoby] should be a part” rather than simply an isolated program as now.
An agglomeration of the kind Moscow
is becoming, Zuyev argues, “requires greater special flexibility than that
provided by those administrative borders which formally exist now.” The Troitsk
and New Moscow administrative districts are a good start, but they “don’t solve
the problems.” A general strategy about housing, infrastructure, and new
centers is needed.
“Such major megalopolises like
Moscow are world cities,” set apart from other cities. As a result, even now,
Zuyev suggests, “the difference between
Moscow and Mumbai or Los Angeles, on the one hand, is significantly less than
between Moscow and Tula, on the other” (emphasis supplied).
Unfortunately, he says, neither Russia nor other countries have “adequate
administrative mechanisms” to deal with such dominant cities on which the
economic development of these countries depends not only within each of the
cities but also between them and the increasingly depopulated countries
surrounding them.
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