Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 22 –Vladimir Putin’s “rabid”
anti-Ukrainian propaganda resembles and is intended to have a similar outcome
to Soviet state anti-Semitism, or “anti-Zionism” as it was called, Yevgeny
Ikhlov says. And like the earlier one, Putin’s current one is about “killing
off of another culture” and absorbing its bearers into a Moscow-approved
effort.
The Russian commentator points out
that “’anti-Zionism’ had many goals, but one of them was directed at the Jews
and was designed to destroy their sense of identity. Jews were intended to stop feeling part of the
Jewish people … and instead become ‘Soviet citizens of Jewish nationality,’ an
ethnic minority” (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=59227F16BF2A8).
“The Soviet powers very much needed
the Jews as experts, qualified workers in various spheres, and as promoters of
Russification, in particular in Ukraine, Belarus, in the Baltics, in the
Caucasus and in Central Asia,” Ikhlov says. “But for this, Jews had to be
completely denationalized” and thus serve “the anti-Semitic regime.”
Some Soviet Jews were frightened
into this by talk about revanchism in Germany or the prospects that the regime
would not defend them against “popular anti-Semitism,” while others were
attracted to this position by “the carrot” of being given at least “a
quota-based integration into the establishment.”
In a similar way, Ikhlov says, “Soviet
power very much needed the Ukrainians, an irreplaceable part of the apparatus.” But with the rise of Stalin, Soviet
multi-national messianism was replaced by “an empire of a Bolshevik ‘khalifate,’”
in which any nationalism was to be swallowed up by “the more customary model of
Third Rome (neo-Byzantine) Muscovite rule.”
That led Stalin to declare “a real
war against Ukraine,” first with the destruction of the Ukrainian peasantry by
the terror famine in 1932-33 and then with the destruction of the Ukrainian
intellectual elite in a series of fabricated political trials.
Over time, Ikhlov says, “the more
people from the eastern oblasts of Ukraine, above all from Dneprpetrovsk, were
recruited into the party apparatus, primarily into the ideological sector, the
more efforts were undertaken for the russification of the Ukrainian
intelligentsia, [Ukrainian] culture, and [Ukrainian] education.”
In the 1990s, after the collapse of
Soviet power, the Russian political elite was divided between those who were
prepared to accept the existence of a separate and distinct Ukrainian nation
and those who simply wanted to continue as they had, working to support the
integration of Ukrainians into a newly defined “Russian world.”
“But from the start of 2014,” Ikhlov
says, “anti-Ukrainianism became just the same consensus between the powers and the
‘left-nationalist’ opposition as anti-Semitism united in the 1970s and 1980s
the [Soviet] authorities and the systemic ‘Russian nationalist’ opposition.” In
short, “great power hysteria broke out over Ukraine 45 years later than over ‘Zionism.’”
The “nightmare” years of Soviet
attacks on Jews were part of his youth, Ikhlov says, and he recalled them in
2014 when people in Moscow recognized that the Maidan wasn’t going to
fail. Since that time, he continues, he
has often felt “the paradoxical” nature of the propaganda “directed at Jews and
at Ukrainians.”
Putin’s current and ongoing efforts
directed at “’the internal colonization of Ukraine’ are primarily [another]
effort of its ‘culturecide’ and the liquidation of independence (democracy
above all) and the transformation of Ukrainians into ‘Moskaly,’” a term that he
points out initially meant a soldier in Russian imperial service rather than an
ethnic Russian.
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