Paul
Goble
Staunton, May 17 – Citing unnamed “informed
sources,” a Saudi newspaper says that “Russia has prepared approximately 60,000”
predominantly Sunni Muslim soldiers from the North Caucasus to dispatch to
Syria, a dramatic expansion in the limited Chechen police contingent now
stationed in Aleppo and within the TURAN battalion near Palmyra.
Marwan Ash-Shamali, a Saudi
commentator, published that statement in Riyad’s Al-Watan newspaper four days
ago. It has now been translated and has
received wide coverage in the Russian media (inosmi.ru/politic/20170517/239362354.html
from the original available at alwatan.com.sa/Politics/News_Detail.aspx?ArticleID=303486&CategoryID=1).
The Saudi writer
argues that the use of such Muslim troops gives Moscow an advantage in Syria
because they can more easily cooperate with or even blend in with Syrian
government forces. But he suggests that “in
the near term,” such units are unlikely to play “a major role” in that country.
That would happen after all of them were there. When that will be is unknown.
Not surprisingly, Ash-Shamali
focuses on the impact of these troops in Syria where they would strengthen the
Sunni positions favored by Riyad. But the impact of the formation of such forces
within Russia is likely to be far greater, spreading from the military to the
political and social system.
Creating ethnically or more rarely even
religiously based units is not something Russian rulers have been comfortable
with at any time. They have done so only under extreme pressure as during World
War I, the Russian Civil War, and World War II, and then they have rapidly
disbanded these forces viewing them as a threat.
Russian commanders in recent years
have worried about the high concentration of soldiers from Muslim regions in
various units, the result of the demographic collapse of the ethnic Russians
and the still rapid growth of Muslim nations, and Moscow has sought to
compensate for this by cutting severely the draft in Muslim areas.
That hasn’t been popular either in
those places or among Russians. In the former, many object to being kept out of
the military because that limits career options in the police and other
siloviki units. And in the latter, Russians can see that they are being asked
to pay a higher “tax” than their Muslim counterparts. A 60,000-man Muslim army
would only exacerbate this sense.
But more immediately, many Russians
would likely view this as yet another concession by Moscow to Chechnya and its
leader Ramzan Kadyrov and an effort by Vladimir Putin to create a kind of janissary
corps to defend him against challenges coming from the Russian people.
And to the extent they do, many
Russians and those politicians who listen to them are certain to object either
to the creation with Moscow’s money of what could be an independent Chechen
army or to a new Savage Division, as the North Caucasus troops were known in
World War I, that might be used to suppress demonstrations.
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