Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 14 – Vladimir Putin initially backed Donald Trump because the Kremlin
leader assumed he would have a better chance of getting a deal with him than
with Hillary Clinton or at least could count on Trump’s style to further
disorder and distract the United States, Vladimir Pastukhov says.
But
even at that time, the London-based Russian historian says, Putin didn’t put
all his eggs in one basket and was prepared to betray Trump in order to win
time for himself by spreading chaos in Washington and making it more difficult
for the US to act internationally (republic.ru/posts/91803).
The
Helsinki Summit provided clear evidence, Pastukhov suggests, that Putin has
both “Plan A” and “Plan B” in his pocket and so while he continues to seek
agreement with Trump may at some point turn on the American president and take
steps that would make it more likely that Trump would face impeachment, the
ultimate distraction and disordering development.
“At Helsinki,” the Russian historian says,
“only one problem was resolve: the leaders of Russia and the US ‘won back’
their right to have personal meetings,” something that cleared the road “to ‘a
big deal’ but the game itself has still not begun.” There, the two men showed
both important similarities and equally important differences.
The two leaders are united in their
hostility to Europe, “albeit not so much in a geopolitical as in a metaphysical
sense … Each doesn’t like Europe in his own way. Putin despises Europe as a
barbarian despised Rome. Trump hates Europe ‘opportunistically,’ as a heretic
does his former church.”
But from this, of course, “it hardly
follows that they really love one another.” Each of them is “seeking to
establish in the entire world but above all in Europe a new order which in
actual fact turns out to be a very old order, in which the national everywhere
dominates over the all-human.”
The problem, of course, is that “in
this brave old world there cannot be two leaders.” Each will strive for
supremacy, Pastukhov says; and consequently, “what divides Putin and Trump is
greater than what unites them.”
According to the Russian historian,
“Trump overrated the importance of his business experience and tried to apply
it to politics too directly.” Moreover, he arrived at his meeting with Putin
“poorly prepared,” approaching it as a realtor might with someone who wanted to
buy rather than with a raider who wanted to take.
“What worked well with Kim Jong-un
works poorly with Putin,” Pastukhov continues. And it is clear that “Trump does
not yet understand that in Putin” he is dealing with someone with two plans,
one public that seeks a deal and a second less public but quite obvious more
important that seeks the weakening of the United States.
The chances for a deal are far less
likely than many imagine because of the domestic situation in the two
countries. Trump can’t afford to appear
too deferential to Putin, and in any case, He would find it “easier to convince
his voters to recognize Crimea as Russian that Putin would to convince his that
the Donbass is Ukrainian.”
“With ‘the Russian Spring,’ Putin
awoke forces and expectations which he cannot entirely and completely. He is
still not yet Stalin who might allow himself something like the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact,” the historian continues. Putin recognizes that there is thus not
likely to be a deal, although Trump still doesn’t.
According to Pastukhov, “Plan B consists in
keeping Trump and through him America is as suspended a position as possible,
disorganizing and weakening it and thus depriving it of chances” to put
pressure on Russia. That will allow Putin to win the time he believes he needs;
and it is a plan that from his point of view makes good sense.
“One should not overrate the
importance of Trump for Moscow,” the historian argues. “Putin doesn’t believe
anyone.” His “hidden” goal is to “inflict as much harm as possible on America,”
supporting Trump as during the election when the American politician looks the
better choice but possibly turning on him as the Mueller investigation
proceeds.
It might seem, Pastukhov suggests,
that the Kremlin would gain the most by having “’its president’” in office in
Washington. But if Trump finds himself in more difficulty and if the Kremlin
can leak things that add to his problems, Putin may change course “by creating
unbearable conditions” to Trump and thus weakening him and the US further.
The Russian historian discusses the
shadowy case of someone who received money from Russia and made contact with
all kinds of political figures in the US as something the Kremlin could use to
that end, especially if there
are more examples of similar Russian actions that are not yet known in the US.
“Moscow
today has more effective levers of influence on domestic politics in the US
than destroying voting machines,” Pastukhov says. It can spread stories which
will make it more difficult for Trump to focus on anything but his own
political survival and that works for Putin and his plans. There won’t be a
deal but the US will be weakened.
“It
is not excluded,” the historian suggests, that this possibility was on Putin’s
mind two years ago. And if that is the
case, the Kremlin backed Trump during the election not in order to get a deal
with him but because he could be used one way or another to achieve the Kremlin’s
larger goals.
All
this means, Pastukhov suggests, that instead of the big deal many have
expected, there are going to be “several years of turbulence when love and
hatred will alternate” in this relationship, thus creating “a strange competition
in sophisticated betrayal.” In that competition, Putin has “not bad chances for
success.”
But
because of the relative positions of the two countries, “this success hardly
will mean a victory,” however much some hope and others fear.
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