Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 2 – Over the last
several years, Vladimir Putin has combined attacks on Cossacks as a distinctive
national community with support for others, often with no links too that
nation, who identify with and support his regime and are prepared to do its
bidding (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2018/05/real-cossacks-are-to-putins-thugs-what.html).
That policy like so many other Putin
“innovations” has its roots in Stalin’s time when the Soviet dictator after pursuing
the extermination of the Cossacks as a social stratum and ethnic community
promoted the rise of “Soviet Cossacks,” a deracinated and largely folkloric
group which in exchange for even this minimum recognition was ready to support the
Soviet system.
Stalin’s effort like Putin’s combined
attacks on the history and traditions of the Cossacks with support for those
who dressed up as Cossacks and were prepared to fight for the system. As such
it was a clever policy that sowed confusion in the minds of many Cossacks and others
about what was going on.
But both that effort and Putin’s
have had the unintended effect of causing those who descend from real Cossacks
to seek to recover their past, and it is no surprise that even Stalin’s “Soviet
Cossacks” contained within their ranks some who picked up on traditional
Cossack interest in autonomy or even independence.
These parallels are suggested by
Aleksandr Dzikovitsky of the All-Cossack Social Center in an article devoted
too the appearance of “Soviet Cossacks” in the late 1930s after almost all
Cossacks had been killed or deported and Cossack institutions neutered or destroyed
(voccentr.info/otkuda-vzyalos-sovetskoe-kazachestvo/).
During the second half of the 1930s,
Dzikovitsky points out, “the Soviet powers sensing the political situation
promoted the establishment of a new identity, ‘the Soviet Cossacks,’” after
they had succeeded in wiping out almost all real Cossacks. This was not an act
of justice but rather a pragmatic move to enlist Cossack symbols to support Stalin.
“The formation of the new attitude
toward the Cossacks was directed at strengthening the social base of the powers
that be under conditions of growing tensions internationally and the need to
ensure social stability in the North Caucasus region,” he writes. That included allowing Cossacks to serve in
the military again, something they had been denied since the revolution.
The Soviet Cossacks who did so were
even allowed to form their own units, but they were permitted to wear Cossack
dress only on parade. While in active service, they were compelled to dress
like all other Soviet soldiers.
Dzikovitsky makes clear that “the
campaign ‘for a Soviet Cossackry’ did not mean the rebirth of the Cossacks as a
special social group within Soviet society. Soviet power did not want and could
not re-establish the Cossacks as a social stratum for this would contradict its
own policy” or give the Cossacks any autonomy.
In the course of this campaign, the
Soviet authorities were highly selective in choosing which Cossacks from the
past to celebrate. Those who fought for the regime were praised; those who
sought autonomy or even independence like Kondraty Bulavin were either ignored
or attacked. Nonetheless, some of the new Cossacks did pick up on such ideas.
Cossacks in emigration were very
clear at the time that what Stalin was doing was not restoring the Cossacks but
rather creating something new that only took Cossack decorations but not the
Cossack essence and urged those Cossacks still alive in the USSR to have
nothing to do with “the Soviet Cossacks.”
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