Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 11 – Ukraine’s
achievement of autocephaly for its Orthodox church has sparked interest in such
a move toward independence from the Moscow Patriarchate not only in Belarus (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/01/prospects-for-belarusian-autocephaly.html)
but elsewhere as well, now including Latvia and Lithuania.
Orthodoxy has existed on the
territory of the Baltic states for more than 700 years, and the status of the
church and the political situation of each has always interacted. (For the
complicated history of that interrelationship in Estonia which now has two
Orthodox hierarchies, see windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2018/10/does-estonias-history-with-two-orthodox.html.)
Now, inspired by what has taken
place in Ukraine, officials and possibly some Orthodox parishioners and even
hierarchs in Latvia and Lithuania are talking about separating their respective
churches from the Moscow Patriarchate and transferring their allegiance to the
Ecumenical Patriarch in Constantinople as the Ukrainians have done.
The situation in the two countries
with respect to the subordination of the Orthodox church is different. The
Latvian Orthodox Church is a self-administrating church with broad autonomy but
it recognizes itself as being on the canonical territory of the Moscow church
and Moscow appoints its hierarchs.
The Orthodox church in Lithuania, in
contrast, is not autonomous from the Russian church but rather a bishopric like
any other within the Russian Orthodox Church with its finances, personnel and
practices determined and controlled by Moscow alone, although many of its
leaders have been strikingly pro-Lithuanian.
Lenta journalist Denis Kishinevsky discusses the situation in both and
the state of play between those who seek autocephaly to enhance national unity,
to provide better service to Ukrainian Orthodox on their territories, or to boost
the power of these churches within Latvia and Lithuania and those who oppose any change (lenta.ru/articles/2019/07/11/baltic/).
As one would expect, the situations
are different and extremely complicated.
In Latvia last month, the parliament
unanimously approved amendments to the country’s law on the Orthodox Church
that now require that all archbishops, bishops and candidates for those
positions be citizens of Latvia and have lived in Latvia for no less the ten
years preceding such assignments.
Many ethnic Russians in Latvia, who form
the overwhelming majority of the 16 percent of the Latvian population which
identifies as Orthodox, are furious.
They see this as an unconstitutional attack on their religious freedom
and a violation of traditional understandings.
As one put it, Riga must recognize that Latvia is part of “the canonical
territory of the ROC.”
Many from among this community see this
parliamentary move as intended to separate them from Moscow and thus reinforce
Latvian independence. But others think
more many be involved. Janis Jurkans, former Latvian foreign minister, notes
that Latvian officials have raided the offices of the Roman Catholic Church in
Latvia.
That never happened even in Communist
times, he says, and thus the moves against the Orthodox church appear to be
moves against all religions and any independent civil society in Latvia. Other
Latvians, however, see what is going on is simply the levelling of the status
of the Orthodox and Catholics in their country.
But Nikita Andreyev, a specialist on
religion at the University of Latvia, offers yet another interpretation of what
is going on. He says that Riga “in fact doesn’t want to allow a Ukrainian
scenario” to occur in Latvia and by its actions is strengthening the position
of the Russian Orthodox Church.
He reminds that “on the territory of the
republic, besides the official Latvian Orthodox Church, there exists a second
Latvian Orthodox Church which is independent of the Moscow Patriarchate and
formally subordinate to Constantinople.
Its hierarchs aspire to control the parishes now under the jurisdiction
of the LOC.”
By taking the steps it has, Andreyev
continues, the Latvian parliament has strengthened the position of the Moscow
church lest “’the flames of a split’ jump from Ukraine to the Baltic.” Many
hierarchs in the LOC are thus happy with this situation because it gives them
greater power vis-à-vis Moscow and vis-à-vis those it views as splitters within
the Orthodox community.
Andreyev’s interpretation may explain the
reaction among Orthodox to the Latvian government’s moves. The Moscow
Patriarchate has denounced the Latvian action in the strongest terms (vesti.ru/videos/show/vid/802603/cid/1/),
but the hierarchs of the LOC in Latvia have remained silent, reflecting
divisions within the church on how to deal with this situation.
Meanwhile, in Lithuania, the situation is
evolving as well. Since the restoration of independence in 1991, Vilnius has
not interfered in the internal affairs of the Orthodox eparchate, choosing
instead to return to the church the property it had before 1940 and to allow
the church to operate without restrictions.
The leadership of the eparchate in turn
has been both loyal to Lithuania and sharply critical of Russia. Metropolitan Chrysostos
in fact condemned the Soviet use of force against Lithuanians in January
1991. And the small Orthodox community, some
140,000 people or five percent of the country’s population, has had few
problems.
But after Ukraine achieved autocephaly,
many commentators in Lithuania began to suggest that their country should seek
the same for its Orthodox, although up to now, Kishinevsky says, Lithuanian
officials and politicians have not followed their lead. (See lrt.lt/naujienos/nuomones/3/230385/r-bogdanas-ka-dabar-darys-lietuvos-staciatikiai.)
Most Lithuanian advocates of autocephaly
for the Lithuanian Orthodox do so by underscoring their concern for local
Ukrainians. Approximately 20,000 live in Lithuania on a permanent basis, and
another 18,000 on temporary work permits. These form a significant part of the
Orthodox faithful in that Baltic republic.
Orthodox Ukrainians in Lithuania, now that
the Ukrainian Orthodox Church is autocephalous, should have the opportunity to
worship in churches subordinate not to Moscow but to Constantinople, autocephaly
advocates say (alfa.lt/straipsnis/50385427/ukrainieciu-autokefalijos-aidas-lietuvoje).
Whether their arguments will gain political
traction remains very much an open question.
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