Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 10 – The
failures of United Russia on September 9 have attracted the most attention,
Sergey Shpilkin says; but in fact, the party of power, chastened by its defeats
in three gubernatorial elections a year ago, adopted a large number of
strategies to prevent the results for itself from being even worse than they
were.
In a Novaya gazeta
commentary, Shpilkin says that “having suffered a psychological trauma a year
ago,” something it did not expect, the party of power has taken steps over the
intervening months to ensure that it would elect more of its candidates than
otherwise would have been the case (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2019/09/10/81915-urnoterapiya).
Describing this effort as “voting
urn therapy,” the Moscow commentator says that the powers that be adopted a
variety of tactics all of which were designed to improve its showing. First of
all, it talked the three parties of the systemic opposition from not running
gubernatorial candidates even n places where they were traditionally strongest.
Second, it used the municipal filter
ruthlessly to exclude independent opposition parties, even as it pushed through
laws allowing United Russia candidates to run as independents so as to avoid
the toxic consequences of having to identify with the largely discredited and
extremely unpopular United Russia.
And third, in various ways, it set
the stage for falsifications of various sorts designed to aid its preferred
candidates. According to experts,
Shpilkin says, there was significant falsification for United Russia in ten of
the 13 regions where elections were held in addition to Khabarovsk, Sevastopol
and Moscow.
However, “even this didn’t help:
“according to political analyst Grigory Golosov, in comparison with previous
elections, the result for United Russia fell on average by 16 percentage
points.” But it helped enough to keep defeat from being a disaster as did the
fact that so many United Russia candidates ran independently of the party.
The Kremlin’s transparent attempt to
control the outcome of elections by limiting who could be a candidate sparked
the mass demonstrations in Moscow and “created a favorable basis for Aleksey
Navalny’s ‘smart voting’ project.” It was a major success in Moscow and did
better than many acknowledge elsewhere.
And Shpilkin concludes by pointing to yet
another tactic the authorities used to push up reported results for United
Russia and in Moscow itself: They introduced electronic voting in several parts
of the city, and in every case where that technique was used, United Russia
received a higher percentage than it did elsewhere.
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