Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 22 – As Lenin
anticipated, historians would evaluate him on the basis of documents; and if
there were no documents about his and Bolshevik leaders’ most obvious crimes
such as the murder of the Imperial Family, there would always be found those
who would insist that he and they played no role in such actions, Vladimir
Voronov says.
In a Novaya gazeta
commentary, the historian says that “Lenin established the tradition of the
authorities there to hide the documented traces of their crimes,” either relying
on oral directives without any written orders at all or destroying the latter
so that they could deny what they had done (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2020/02/22/84038-arhisekretno-shifrom).
Voronov provides numerous examples
of this and suggests that “Comrade Lenin, being the real initiator and
organizer of the most important political actions, had the habit of not taking
on himself directly responsibility for these decisions or signing the most
offensive directives.” He his behind “the will of the people” or the collective
leadership.
“Being both a politician and an
egocentric individual who had long sought the heights of power, popularity and
glory,” Voronov continues, “Lenin understood perfectly what the Judgement of
History was, and knew the history of all the European revolutions, especially the
French, with its mass terror” and how documents affected the reputations of
those involved.
Lenin had no plans to avoid terror,
just the reverse, but he did want to ensure that he personally wouldn’t be blamed
later. And his inclination to do so had
only been intensified by the world of the Russian revolutionary emigres in
which he had lived so long, the Novaya gazeta commentator says.
The Bolshevik leader was thus ready
to “destroy inconvenient facts and documents (and people too!) and did so
routinely setting a precedent for his successors down to the present who have
always preferred to hide their roles in crimes by avoiding the creation of
documents that could implicate them.
Lenin’s success in this regard was
perhaps greatest in the way in which he avoided any responsibility in the minds
of many for the murder of the Imperial Family. Other comrades like Yakov Sverdlov
were less careful, and so many came to believe that he or some local official
was to blame. In fact, Lenin was at the center of decision making on this crime.
Voronov points to the research Edvard
Radzinsky conducted for his biography of Lenin in which the writer showed the
lengths to which Lenin was prepared to go to keep any link between him and this
horrific action from being documented for posterity, an effort that not only
worked for a long time but is a model for Russian leaders to this day.
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