Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 12 – Non-Russians
like Ilnar Garifulllin are completely right to oppose the liquidation of the
non-Russian republics, the imposition of “non-ethnic Russians” in place of “the
multi-national population” of the country, and declaring the ethnic Russians to
be “the state-forming people” of the country, Kharun Sidorov says.
But in an essay entitled
“Multi-National for Some and Non-National for Others,” the ethnic Russian
convert to Islam says that non-Russians
should pay attention to the rights of those federation subjects which have an
ethnic Russian cultural majority and support their aspirations for more
authority and power (idelreal.org/a/30428810.html).
A major defect in the official
conception of Russian federalism, Sidorov
says, “was and remains its asymmetrical
quality,” something that is at bottom a source of envy and anger and
thus a threat to the continued existence of the country and of democratic
governance. Indeed, it means that when speaking of Russian federalism, one must
put it in quotation marks.
There is a fundamental contradiction
in the way in which the country has been organized. “On the one hand,” it
includes nations and peoples who are recognized as state-republics; but “on the
other, it includes subjects “which are not state republics” and whose republics
do not have the rights that those in such entities do.
“Are the later a nation?” Sidorov
asks rhetorically. If not, then it turns out that the multi-national people of
Russia consists on the one hand of full-fledged constituent nations and on the
other with regions that are without nationality and of people the formal status
of which looks to be second-class.”
And if that is the case, he
continues, then one would like to know “what nation they are and in what quality
they enter into that multitude, the multi-national people? One way out appears
to be to adopt a definition of nationality linked to the state and independent
of the nation. In that event, Russia must do away with non-Russian republics.
But it is also the case, Sidorov
says, that “if within the Russian Federation are formed and retained republic
nations, established on the basis of the self-determination of the peoples …
then where in all this scheme is the ethnic Russian people to fit in?” Thus, its
problem is that it is not so much part of a multi-nation people but rather not
national at all.
There are three ways to resolve this
problem, the commentator says, “two extreme and one balanced.” First, one could
view Russia “as a whole as a nation state of the ethnic Russian people and the
republics within it as national autonomies of the corresponding peoples.” But that would ultimately open the way to the
exit of the latter.
Second, one could join together the existing
ethnic Russian subjects into a single ethnic Russian “’national’ subject, a
Russian Republic.” But that would be difficult given relative size and extreme
dispersal of the ethnic Russian population.
Over time, that would lead to depriving all the non-Russian republics of
their status or cause them to leave.
Or third, one could make Russia into
a country reflecting the multitude of peoples and regions. In that event, some
nations would achieve their status by acts of self-determination while others
would live as citizens in diasporas or as whole communities with rights as
residents of a specific subject.
Clearly, Sidorov says, “the most balanced
alternative to the recognition of Russia aas a single nation would be its
recognition as a state of all its citizens regardless of nationality and faith
and a national home of the ethnic Russians and other indigenous peoples who
have achieved their status by acts of self-determination.”
As far as equalizing the status of the
federal subjects is concerned, it would be easier and certainly less offensive
to give rights and powers to those who do not now have them than to take away
from those that do the rights and powers others do not have. Many of the
predominantly ethnic Russians would gain a lot, especially if they joined
together in larger groupings.
That could involve the coming together of
the oblasts of Siberia, the Urals or Central Russia, of St. Petersburg with
Leningrad Oblast, Moscow with Moscow Oblast and so on, Sidorov says.
Taking rights away from non-Russians who
have republics would be fraught with dangers for the country as a whole, but so
too would be refusing to offer them to other indigenous nations “and ignoring
the rights of the Russian people to national subjectivity in its multi-national
community and its federal union.”
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