Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 31 – It was common
ground about both Soviet communists and Western liberals during the Cold War
that communism and liberal democracy could not co-exist forever and that one or
the other systems must triumph. But since 1991, many, especially in the West,
have assumed that authoritarianism and liberal democracy can live side by side
forever.
They are wrong, Russian commentator
Aleksandr Skobov says. “Liberal democracy and authoritarianism cannot coexist
on one earth.” One or the other must triumph at least for a time, and recognition
of this reality is essential if liberal democracy is going to defend itself
against this updated attack (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5E343235A1F1E).
Skobov notes that he has been
suggesting this for many years but that now, others, who possibly are better
informed about the inner machinations of the Putin regime are beginning to say
the same thing. Valery Solovey, late of
MGIMO, for example, is warning of just such an eventuality.
Over the course of his 20 years in
power, Skobov has said and Solovey confirms, Putin and his entourage have
accepted an idea every bit as messianic as that of the communists, one that has
made them committed to “the destruction
of the Western civilizational project” (youtube.com/watch?v=Q5mkKKeDjMo).
Even more, Skobov says, Solovey’s
words suggest that the Kremlin sees the coming year as a critical one in which
Moscow has no choice but to go for broke because after that time, “the window
of opportunities” may not be open as wide as Putin and his clique believe is
the case now.
This, of course, “makes the Kremlin
especially dangerous” now, as Andrey Piontkovsky has argued, Skobov suggests;
and it further means that the Kremlin’s goals of some kind of “’new Yalta’” are
much more far-reaching than either the original agreement of that name or than
many who talk about this idea now understand.
Many understand a new Yalta as being
only about “the division of the world into spheres of influence among several ‘great
powers,’ who would form a kind of ‘worldwide Politburo’ collectively deciding
particular regional problems.” Not only is that a simplification of what Putin seeks
but a serious distortion.
What the Kremlin really wants is
international recognition of its right to rule as it likes over those in its
part of the world even as it continues to interfere in the democratic countries
and a commitment by the West not to remove any regimes, however noxious, that
the Kremlin has christened with the sacred word “legitimacy.”
That would mean that the Kremlin
would have every right to intervene on behalf of tyrants while the West would
give up the right to intervene on behalf of those the tyrants oppress.
Significantly, “the Kremlin really
will not seek the overthrow of Western elites.” Instead, it will seek to draw
them into the use of the Putin system’s methods of rule, thus working with
Moscow to subvert democracy and converting it into something “manipulative and
decorative” just as it is in Russia.
The Russian leadership “can count on
finding in Western elites numerous allies in this regard,” Skobov says, “not to
mention non-Western elites.” But if this
happens, “it will mean ‘the exit of the West from history’ or ‘the closing down
of the Western civilizational project.’” And demonstrating the inability of West
to respond to Russian challenges is part of this.
Skobov says he doesn’t know whether
Solovey has his facts or timing right.
But he does know this: “only a demonstration by the West of readiness to
fight for its values can stop the process unleashed by the Kremlin intended to
destroy the international-legal foundations of the present-day world order.”
“If this process isn’t stopped, it
will sooner or later lead to war; and it isn’t important between whom or by
whom it is begun. It will all the same drag in others. Scenarios may be
different, but the Putin elite will never turn away from efforts to destroy the
present world order.”
And people in the West need to understand
as well that “no material interests will overcome that elite’s existential
hatred to the West as a civilization of human rights and a legal state, for
human rights are a limitation on the all-powerful nature of the elite,
all-powerful over their slaves.”
Consequently, Skobov concludes, liberal
democracy and the aggressive authoritarianism of Vladimir Putin’s regime “cannot
coexist on one earth” in the 21st century any more than liberal
democracy and communism could in the 20th.
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