Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 14 – With the
exception of Chechnya, force structures are headed by outsiders rather than
local people, something that creates the feeling among people there that they
are “under foreign rule” or have been reduced to the status of “a colony,” an
unsigned article on the Fortanga portal says. And Ingushetia is an especially
clear case of this.
To be sure, the article continues,
Ingushetia is not in as bad a position in this regard as Daghestan where both
the head of the republic, Vladimir Vasilyev, and the prime minister, Artyom
Zdunov, are outsiders. But the situation has gone very war and appears to
reflect distrust by the Kremlin of “the entire people” (fortanga.org/2020/06/ingushetii-nuzhen-svoj-ili-chuzhoj/).
The article says that the situation
in the republic interior ministry is especially unfortunate in this regard. The
minister and both his deputies are Russians from the outside, and eight of the nine
heads of ministry administrations are as well. Only one has a Caucasus name, and
he isn’t an Ingush but rather a Dargin from Stavropol kray.
To get Russians to serve in
Ingushetia, the article continues, Moscow arranges for them to be paid twice as
much as local people would get if they were named to such positions. That practice
surfaced in October 2019 and sparked a collective protest by Ingush officers
serving in the ranks.
Moscow has displayed particular
distrust to interior ministry officers since October 2019 when Ingush police
refused orders to use force to disperse a demonstration. Criminal cases were opened
against the officers involved, and more Russians were sent in to ensure that
didn’t happen again.
Ingush police also protested at that
time when the powers that be fired an ethnic Ingush and replaced him with an
ethnic Russian from Stavropol kray, a man who had no experience working in
Ingushetia at all. They were punished, and the Russian remains in place, the
article says.
Many in Russia believe that the North
Caucasus, “including Ingushetia,” is a center of crime and that outsiders are
needed to control things. “But statistics say the opposite,” the Fortanga
article argues. Violent crime is very
low despite the fact that many people in the region own guns.
In the last years of the existence
of the Soviet Union, non-Russians measured their progress by Moscow’s readiness
to name first the republic first secretaries and then subordinate officials who
were members of the titular nationalities. The last officials to become local
in this way were the second secretaries who exercised overall control for
Moscow and the heads of the security agencies.
It is striking that now, 30 years
later, non-Russians are measuring their progress or their lack of it by the
same yardstick, yet another indication that the forces which tore the USSR
apart continue to exist within the current borders of the Russian Federation.
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