Paul Goble
Staunton,
Jan. 5 – Like many others, Vladimir Putin assumes that those who give up their
native language will more or less at the same time give up their ethnic as well.
But newly released Russian census data show that relationship between the two
changes is more complicated and that many retain their identities even after
they give up their native tongues.
Indeed,
the experience of the Soviet past and of other countries even suggests that
those who shift from their native language to the language of the imperial
center may, as a result of the competition they now find themselves in with the
members of the imperial nation may become more nationalistic and thus more
attached to their identity despite language change.
That
must be recognized by anyone using census data or thinking about this relationship.
Those nations where almost everyone speaks the language of the nation may either
be growing or declining. They are growing if their total grows; and they are
declining if people who stop speaking the language stop identifying as members
of the native.
Conversely,
those nations in which the share speaking the native language is far lower may
in fact be better positioned to survive. They are if ethnic numbers remain high
even though the share of those speaking the national language drops but are in
a weak one if the ethnic numbers decline along with the number speaking the
national language.
Rosstat
reports the most recent Russian census shows that for some groups, the overlap
between ethnic self-identification and declaration of native language is almost
100 percent. That is the case with ethnic Russians and Chechens. But their
situations are radically different as far as this relationship is concerned.
Those
identifying as Russians, on the one hand, fell by five million over the last 11
years, with some changing their ethnic self-identification or giving it up
altogether, a pattern suggesting that for Russians, language is key to ethnic
identity and that its loss likely would lead those who had declared that
identity to change it.
Those
identifying as Chechens, on the other hand, increased in number even as their
allegiance to Chechen as their native language remained almost as high as the
Russians, something that highlights not so much the importance of language as support
for identity but the way in which in such a situation the two reinforce one
another.
More
interesting are the cases of nations in between. In some cases, particularly
those involving numerically small nations, the loss of language can lead to the
loss of ethnic identity as well. But in others, both small and large, the loss
of language has not led to a loss of national identity – or at a minimum not at
the rates that the Kremlin leader and many others assume.
A
case in point are the Ukrainians living within the current borders of the Russian
Federation. Seventy percent of them say that Russian is their native language but
continue to identify as Ukrainians by nationality, a sign not of weakness of
national identity as many might suppose but of its strength (nazaccent.ru/content/39789-bolee-70-rossijskih-ukraincev-schitayut-rodnym-yazykom-russkij.html).