Paul
Goble
Staunton,
December 3 – Increasingly frequent expressions of support for Ukraine by
non-Russian peoples within the borders of the Russian Federation and similar
expressions of support for these nations by Kyiv is disturbing many Russians
who see this as an alliance of “Russophobes of all kinds.”
In an article on Rusfed24.ru, Ufa
journalist Svetlana Nurgaleyeva said that nationalist groups among the non-Russian
groups, including Buryats, Chuvashes, Tatars, and Bashkirs, have come together “on
the basis of Russophobia and hatred to Russia as a state” (rusfed24.ru/2014/12/02/ukronatsistyi-i-vlasti-ufyi-podderzhivayut-bashnatsionalistov/).
When
the Maidan began, Tatars in Kazan held a demonstration in support of the Ukrainian
movement. Then in February, Chuvash nationalists declared that the Ukrainians
were not fighting non-Russians like themselves but rather “imperialist Moscow,”
the common enemy of both.
And at the same time, Buryat
nationalists held a roundtable at which participants declared that “there are
no Nazis or ‘Banderites’ in the Maidan; instead, there are people ready to
struggle to the end for their rights,” something that Buryats said should
inspire rather than repel non-Russians in Russia.
Non-Russian nationalists,
Nurgaleyeva continued, have repeated these ideas since that time. But now the situation
has become more serious because Ukrainian media have responded by giving
extensive coverage to and thus encouragement for such declarations and the
actions that would follow from them.
According to the Ufa journalist,
Bashkir nationalists “should look more closely at what is happening in
Novorossiya” and see that “every day Russians in Novorossiya are being killed
because they want to speak their native language.” And they would conclude that
if they were prevented from speaking theirs, they would do what the Russians in
Novorossiya are doing.
But she says – and this is
Nurgaleyeva’s most important admission – the Bashkir nationalists are not
interested in language in the first instance: “Many do not want to speak their
native Bashkir.” What they want is to “divide up Russia.”
She is pointing to something that is
usually overlooked: Many nationalists among non-Russian groups just like many
Ukrainians speak Russian, but the fact that they do does not make them any less
committed to their respective nations and may even make them more so because by
speaking Russian, they enter into a world where they encounter discrimination
based solely on ethnicity. And that
often triggers the nationalist responses Nurgaleyeva bemoans.
But she and obviously other Russians
in Russian are concerned about something else: government officials in the
non-Russian republics “openly support” radical nationalist groups “and at the
same time put pressure on the Russian national movement,” a pattern that she
says will lead “sooner or later” to an explosion of anger among Russians.
That threat is real, but so too is
another threat that is implicit in Nurgaleyeva’s article: Her suggestion about
the emerging “alliance” of anti-Moscow non-Russian nationalists within the
Russian Federation and Ukrainian nationalists abroad represents a clear appeal
to Moscow to repress the former now before they are in a position to act as the
latter already do.
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