Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 25 – Taking advantage
of the earlier Syrian refugee crisis that led to a flow of refugees from Syria
to Scandinavia via Russia, the FSB is now pressing to expand the size of the
zone near Russia’s border with Finland in which no one can enter without special
approval, despite the objections of regional officials.
If the FSB gets its way – and that
is probable – the situation in Murmansk oblast will return to what it was in
Soviet times or the early post-Soviet years when officials required visitors to
places along the Soviet border to get special permission, something that was
often denied (thebarentsobserver.com/borders/2016/08/russia-vows-extension-border-zone).
The FSB plan came to light when a
regional blogger posted on line a July 13 response to an FSB proposal to expand
the size of the restricted border region (bloger51.com/2016/08/61802), an
event that promoted Murmansk Governor Marina Kovtun to declare in the press
that she is opposed to such an action (severpost.ru/read/44507/).
“For many years,” the governor said,
“we have been developing cross-border cooperation.” Expanding the special
border zone and restricting visitors to it is “not what we have been working
for” since the 2012 introduction of visa-free arrangements for local residents
on both sides of the border.
Moscow apparently supported her
efforts, but now in the wake of last year’s refugee crisis, things may have changed,
Atle Staalesen and Thomas Nilsen of the The Barents Observer portal say. A year ago, “some 5500 migrants” crossed the
border into Norway, but that flow stopped on November 30. Then 1,000 crossed
into Finland before that too stopped February 29.
Since that date, the two journalists
say, “not one single asylum seeker has crossed the borders from Russia’s Kola
Peninsula to either Norway or Finland.”
Russia’s border zone regime has
evolved since the end of Soviet times. In the 1990s and the 200s, the authorities
divided the border zone in Murmansk into two parts, “the actual border zone”
and “the so-called near-border zone.” Those who sought to enter the near-border
zone had to show their passports. Non-Russians without a Norwegian passport
risked being turned back.
“Until 2010, FSB could deny
foreigners to enter the near-border zone, including to the towns of Nikel and
Zapolyarny,” Staalesen and Nilsen say. “Traffic in transit from the border to
Murmansk along the main road was allowed ony three days in the week for foreign
registered vehicles … Norwegians even needed special permission from FSB border
guards to make stops.”
Then from 2012 to late fall 2015,
they say, “the Titovka
checkpoint allowed most people through and there were few restrictions on
movements for foreigners. Norwegians could freely travel in Pechenga, except in
the closed military areas. In the border zone, outside the barbed wire fence …
people are only allowed on the road if their papers allow them to enter Norway.”
Russian
security officials aren’t talking for public attribution, but Arild Moe of the
Fridthof Nansen Institute in Oslo says that what is taking place reflects the
FSB’s desire to restore earlier border restrictions and its belief that
European concerns about refugee flows via the north make this a good time
to move in that direction.
Given
Europeans don’t
want more immigrants come from the Middle East via any route, including a
Russian one, it seems unlikely they will object. But if the FSB gets away with
this, it will likely use it as a precedent to expand border zone restrictions
elsewhere along the Russian Federation border and return things to where they
were in the late Soviet period.
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