Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 2 – A major reason
for popular support among Russians for Stalin and his system as a model for the
future is the mistaken belief that the Soviet dictator destroyed the hated
elite and thus served the interests of the people, Mikhail Pozharsky says. But in
fact, the people were the chief victims of his repression; and they would be if
his system were somehow restored.
The Moscow commentator says that
those, like television personality Misha Svetov, who say they “want a new 1937”
(youtube.com/watch?v=UT2x3fe8LxY&feature=youtu.be),
hope that such a development would punish and remove from the scene the hated members
of the elite who are now oppressing ordinary Russians (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5AC079799BD26).
But in making this argument,
Pozharsky says, Svetov and those like him put forward “two extremely mistaken
theses.”
The first of these is that “’in
1937, it was the nomenklatura first and last that suffered.’” This is “simply historically untrue.” According to NKVD statistics, only six
percent of the 937,000 Soviet citizens arrested in 1937 were members of the
communist party. The real targets of Stalin’s
criminal enterprise were elsewhere.
The largest number of arrests came as
a result of the Soviet dictator’s continuing “campaign for the struggle with ‘anti-Soviet
elements.’” Fifty-four percent of those
arrested were jailed as “’former kulaks,’” and another 36 percent were members
of non-Russian groups like the Germans, the Poles and many others Stalin wanted
to punish.
Yes, the arrests and trials of
senior Bolsheviks attracted and still attract the most attention, but these people
were not Stalin’s main targets in 1937 or at any other time.
The second mistaken thesis advanced by
Svetov and his ilk is that the party, having been chastened by Stalin’s attack
in 1937 “ceased to drink our blood.” History
shows just the reverse with the deportations of whole nations, the shooting and
arrest of Soviet soldiers by their own government, the growth of the camps in
the late 1940s, and the shooting of the Novocherkassk workers coming after that
date.
“The regime learned to survive
without mass murders only in Brezhnev’s time,” thirty years after 1937.
The reason for that should also be
instructive to those who worship at Stalin’s altar. “Repressions against the elite did not weaken
but on the contrary STRENTHENED the autocracy.” These actions caused many
people to think that the regime was working for the people just as the current
regime’s occasional and sporadic fights against corruption do.
But the consequences of the one and
the other is to attract more support for the regime. As a result of the events
of 1937-1938, Pozharsky says, the nomenklatura grew by 26 percent; and the new
people in it were even more personally devoted to Stalin and his way of doing
business than those they replaced.
Consequently, the Moscow commentator
says, no one should want a new 1937: It would mean far more suffering for the people
than for the elite and it would “only strengthen the regime allowing it to hold
on for many more years.”
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