Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 5 – Yezhednevny zhurnal offers another
chapter from Vladislav Inozemtsev’s new book, An Uncontemporary Country, a chapter that demonstrates that
whenever Russia has turned outward and involved itself with the rest of the
world, it has made progress but that when it has turned in on itself, it has
not only failed to do so but regressed.
“Over the last three centuries of
Russian history,” the Russian economist says, “two tendencies have constantly
struggled against each other: on the one hand, a striving to openness and
‘internationalization’ and on the other a desire to shut itself off by its own
distinctive nature” (ej.ru/?a=note&id=33613).
Despite all the differences one can
observe in the first trend, Inozemtsev argues, efforts in that direction “put
economic or ideological considerations above cultural and historian ones.” Further, when this trend was dominant, Russia
achieved its greatest success be it in the 18th century or in the 20th.
And despite the commonalities of the
second trend, it has had negative consequences of various kinds, sometimes
shutting Russia off from the rest of the world and keeping it background and
sometimes contributing to the disintegration of the state because of the
multi-national population of the empire.are
There is currently an enormous
community, perhaps as many as 37 million people, living abroad who might
constitute “a Russian world,” depending on how it is defined. It consists
essentially of two groups of people, who may be called “Russian professionals”
who have pursued individual goals and “professional Russians” who are in the former
Soviet republics.
These groups are so different that appealing
to one may alienate the other and that while one may help Russia by offering a
network of people inclined to be sympathetic to Russia and possibly even interested
in returning with their skillss, the other will put it at increasing odds with the
country’s neighbors and lead to its isolation and degradation, Inozemtsev
continues.
“The idea of ‘the Russian world’”
now on offer, he says, “is the most particularistic of all that Russia has
advanced over the last 300 years. It is directed not to be n ‘aggressive’ but
rather is a deeply ‘defensive’ political strategy,” one based on the idea that
Russia has a zone of exclusive interests behind a line which the West must not cross.
“Russia’s behavior may appear aggressive,”
the economist argues, “but this aggressiveness points not to some far-reaching
strivings and the possibilities of the country but to an obvious exhaustion and
inability to offer any really universal idea” to others or to its own population.
In reaching out to “the professional Russians”
in the former Soviet republics, Russia has focused on territory. What it should
be doing, Inozemtsev suggests, is reaching out to “Russian professionals” elsewhere
who should be encouraged to view Russia positively and even consider returning.
That would help Russia escape its current problems rather than add to
them.
Such an approach, he says, would lead
to “the enrichment of the country through the attraction to it of new citizens”
with Russian roots “and not the expenditure of new resources involved in
unifying territories” or attracting people from them who are not culturally
similar to the Russians.
Unfortunately, Moscow today is
pursuing exactly the opposite approach. “The present Russian authorities cannot
formulate any ideas capable of resonating beyond the limits of the community
which speaks Russian, remembers or recognizes all the insanity of Russian
history and relates with understanding to the political ‘uniqueness’ of their
own land.”
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