Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 12 – In August
2018, Kyrgyz and Uzbek officials announced that they had agreed to swap territories
in order to eliminate exclaves and solve their long-running border disputes but
in the succeeding months, nothing happened and border tensions continued (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2018/08/kyrgyzstan-uzbekistan-swap-territories.html).
Now, Kyrgyz and Uzbek officials are
making similar pledges, declaring that they have agreed on where the border
will be and will make a public announcement giving details in the coming days (currenttime.tv/a/30160536.html). Given the
record, one has every reason to be skeptical, but two things have changed that
make a move now more likely.
On
the one hand, the violence that continues along the Kyrgyzstan-Tajikistan
border is a reminder of just how explosive these exclaves and disputed borders
can be and thus provide an incentive for some but not all officials on both
sides to address the issue by redrawing the borders (cf. windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/08/bishkek-dushanbe-wont-end-border.html).
And on the other hand, some officials
and experts in Moscow, long hostile to any change in borders, have begun to argue
that changing borders is a better option than shifting populations or allowing
disputes to fester, a shift highlighted by a major article in Nezavisimaya
gazeta in July (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/07/kyrgyzstan-and-tajikistan-could-solve.html).
Consequently, there is more reason for
optimism now than even a year ago (russian.eurasianet.org/кыргызстан-и-узбекистан-обмениваются-землями-в-рамках-исторического-соглашения)
especially since the territories the two sides have been talking about
exchanging are either covered with water or have few people on them.
But borders have always been a
sensitive issue in the region – in Soviet times, the administrative-territorial
atlases where among the most politically explosive documents; and in
post-Soviet times, local people have been infuriated at the problems state
borders cause even as politicians in the capital have exploited such disputes
to generate nationalism and support.
That has been especially the case in
Kyrgyzstan; and so if this supposed deal does collapse, it will likely be less
the fault of Tashkent than of political machinations not on the border itself but
among parliamentarians and other politicians in Bishkek.
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