Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 11 – Paradoxically,
Karelia which shares a common border of more than 750 kilometers with Finland
has far less freedom of speech and far fewer opportunities for civic activism
than does its fellow Finno-Ugric republic Komi which has no such border, Vadim
Shtepa says.
But this paradox is more apparent
than real, the editor of Tallinn’s Region.Expert portal says, because it
reflects Moscow’s view that Karelia’s location on the border “is not a stimulus
for cooperation and development but rather a risk and a threat” and thus the
center allows things in Komi that it immediately suppresses in Karelia (severreal.org/a/30152787.html).
What makes this divergence so striking,
Shtepa says, is that during perestroika, Karelia was one of the most progressive
regions of the country. It had its own Peoples Front, it adopted its own declaration
on state sovereignty, and it sought to promote the creation of real federalism
within the Russian Republic.
And taking advantage of cooperation with
Finnish firms, Karelia’s capital Petrozavodsk saw its apartments wired for the Internet
already in 1997, “even earlier than was the case in Moscow,” the regional
specialist says. During all this time, the Komi Republic was mostly a quiescent
backwater.
“But today the situation has
radically changed. Komi activists are in the lead in protesting Moscow’s plans
for a trash dump at Shiyes, and Oleg Mikhailov, a member of Komi’s State
Council, has very publicly decried “Moscow’s ‘colonial policy,’” something no
Karelian politician could do without suffering serious reprisals.
Moreover, in the Komi Republic there
has emerged an active youth movement “which combines the struggle for civil
society with the promotion of the cultural uniqueness of their republic. They have
even thought up a new version of the republic flag, one of ‘Scandinavian type’”
which Shiyes protesters are now carrying.
What is striking is that they aren’t
being persecuted or prosecuted for doing so, Shtepa continues. In Karelia, the
situation is entirely different and entirely different from what it was 30
years ago during perestroika. Yes, some
activists have sought to revive the Otava flag but generally they’ve kept it
and themselves out of politics.
Displaying this flag or talking
about the Ukhta Republic is dangerous, Shtepa says. And Karelians haven’t been able to achieve
even the modest de-sovietization others have: “Practically all the central streets
of Petrozavodsk up to now bear the names of communist ideologues and Soviet
leaders right up to Andropov.”
“Moreover,” Shtepa notes, “Karelia
is the only Russian republic in which the titular language does not have official
status.” The regime says it can’t make it the state language because it uses
the Latin script and Russian law requires that all “state languages in Russia”
use Cyrillic.
When Aleksand Khudailaynen became republic
head in 2012, many Karelians hoped for a positive change largely because of his
Finnish name. but they were quickly disappointed. He closed the only
Baltic-Finnic philology department at a Russian university and began broadscale
repressions against opposition figures in the republic.
Galina Shirshina, the elected opposition mayor
of Petrozavodsk was forced out and direct elections for the mayor were
cancelled. Local Yabloko leader Vasily Popov was forced to ask for political
asylum in Finland. And Shtepa himself ultimately left, for Estonia, when
officials signaled that he was in trouble.
The situation in Karelia has become even
worse since Artur Parfenchikov replaced Khudilaynen in 2017. Most notoriously,
he has overseen the persecution of historian Yury Dmitriyev who unearthed and
then documented the mass graves of Stalin’s victims at Sandarmokh.
That created a problem for Moscow which
had decided to “rewrite the history of Sandarmokh” just as the Soviets did about
Katyn and suggest that the bodies buried there were “not GULAG inmates but Soviet
POWs shot by the Finns in 1941-1944.” In addition, Parfenchikv has brought in numerous
security types to serve in his regime.
As a result, as Karelian journalist Andrey
Tuomi has pointed out, Karelia is now returning not to the days of perestroika
but to those of the 1930s when Soviet security officials ran Karelia because
there were so many GULAG camps there.
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