Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 2 – Over the last
year, something important has happened in Russian protests. They no longer have
leaders but only “spontaneous coordinators,” analysts say, adding that in this
new situation the authorities are uncertain as to how they should respond and
the protests tend to last far longer.
“The meetings in Ingushetia lasted a
month,” Denis Kolchin of the URA news agency who has surveyed expert opinion on
this change says. “Shiiyes has resisted almost a year [and] the protests in
Yekaterinburg ended after several days only because those taking part achieved
their goals (ura.news/articles/1036279214).
According to sociologist Mikhail
Dmitriyev, the new situation reflects the fact that “the level of trust in
political activists is not high. Instead, people are more likely to believe
civic activists who work nearby and live in neighboring apartment blocks.”
Dennis Volkov agrees and notes that these local people at least so far are
“keeping things within legal limits.”
Olga Russova, an Arkhangelsk
sociologist who has studied the Shiyes case, says that her interviews with
participants show that there are “no public opinion leaders in the classical
sense. They are instead ordinary people who are far from politics.”
Moscow sociologist Grigory Yudin
argues that “the current protests are a story not about leaders but about the
people. It is laughable when siloviki detain those whom they consider the
leaders of the protest. They manage to do so, but the protests don’t stop as a
result.”
In this new situation, the
authorities have been uncertain how to react and what they have done has varied
widely. “If in Moscow in most cases,
standard detentions have occurred,” Kolchin says; in the regions, everything
has taken place along different scenarios.”
In Ingushetia, the authorities did not act immediately expecting things
to peter out.
In Shiyes, the powers that be have
tried to intimidate the protesters but without success. And “in Yekaterinburg,
the argument about the future of the square was resolved by President Vladimir
Putin who proposed conducting a poll” on what city residents want.
Yudin says there is nothing
surprising in all this because, despite assumptions, there is no central staff
which makes all the decisions. In
general, the dividing line for the authorities is whether the protesters are
focused on something that is part of the federal agenda. If they are, the powers
that be are far more likely to move quickly and harshly than if they aren’t.
Yekaterina Sokiryanskaya, a
specialist on the North Caucasus, agrees. “The reaction is situational. When I
heard about the decision on the Chechen-Ingush border, I thought,” she says,
“perhaps there is no advisor in the Presidential Administration who could
explain why this action opens ‘a Pandora’s box.’”
The months’ long protest did not
cause Moscow to back down on the border, but it did undermine the authority of
Yunus-Bek Yevkurov and ultimately led to his being sacked as Ingush head.
Whether regional heads will decide
to take harsher actions in the future depends on the answer to at least three
questions, the sociologists say: Will protesters increasingly raise federal
issues? Will the meetings grow in size and find an echo beyond where they
began? And will the demonstrations stay within the limits of the law?
At present, the demonstrators are
doing so, but Yundin suggests; “but one must not exclude” the possibility that
things will change and with that the response of the authorities as well.
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