Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 15 – Political analysts
are focusing on the ways in which the replacement of the Medvedev government
with a new one will make it possible for Vladimir Putin to remain in power.
That is clearly what the shift is about. “But economists must direct attention”
to the need for certain economic changes regardless, Konstantin Sonin says.
The Russian economist who teaches at
the University of Chicago argues that “it is obvious that there are shot and
medium-term economic motives without any political subtext” in what is going on,”
given that the regime had long come to terms with stagnation and wasn’t about
to do anything to change it (facebook.com/konstantin.sonin/posts/3340888532604325).
“If I were an economic advisor to the
new prime minister,” Sonin continues, “I would say the following now: Serious
economic reforms … are the prerogative of President Putin.” These include
reforms of the law enforcement system, and they aren’t going to be made in the
near term by the government or ever be considered part of “’the economic bloc.’”
“But there are tasks which can be
worked on now, and there are arguments which can be advanced now,” he suggests.
First of all, the present course
toward isolation in international trade is leading to “a dead end.” It is
enriching the owners of some enterprises at the expense of tens of millions of
Russians because “’countersanctions’” are hurting “the most defenseless.” They
must thus be “lifted immediately,” and the government must work to expand
foreign trade.
Second, “the wealth of the country
is created by entrepreneurs and works, not by bureaucrats and law enforcement
bodies. It is possible to be a rich country with a weak army, but one cannot be
a poor country with a strong one. That doesn’t happen.”
Therefore, “the current stagnation
is a much greater threat for the security of the country than any activity of
foreign enemies. The prime minister must
say that the development of business and raising the well-being of the citizens
is the main task of the government,” the economist continues.
To that end, he says, political repression,
“which is demoralizing both entrepreneurs and workers” must be stopped.
Military spending must be reduced: “this is a political task of the government.
Without this, there won’t be any security, foreign or domestic.”
And third, Sonin suggests, “the
struggle with corruption must begin with the government.” There must not be any
major corrupt officials in the upper reaches of the government. There can be “former
entrepreneurs and rich people of course,” but not corrupt ones. Reports about
corruption sapped the reputation and authority of the Medvedev government.
Whether the new government will have
the wit and will to say and do these things remains uncertain. But if it doesn’t,
then Russia’s current economic malaise will only get worse with serious
negative consequences not only for the social and political system but also for
the security of the country, Sonin argues.
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