Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 22 – At the start
of his third decade in power, Vladimir Putin is behaving as have many other
leaders in office for long periods of time, Aleksey Shaburov says. He has
changed his relationship to those around him from “first among equals” to “simply
first without any equals” by distancing himself from those with any claim to a
higher standing.
The Yekaterinburg commentator says
that Putin’s address to the Federal Assembly provided clear proof of that (politsovet.ru/65248-pervyy-bez-ravnyh-putin-distanciruetsya-ot-svoey-elity.html):
“Putin said a lot about his plans
but did not say anything about the main plan, how, over the next few hours
after this, he would send the government into retirement.” Almost no one among them knew anything and
there were no leaks, an indication that this was Putin’s decision without the
kind of consultation and discussion they might have expected.
The next signal of Putin’s changed
relationship with those around him was the retirement of Dmitry Medvedev, his “devoted”
partner in the past who had “reliably served Putin almost 30 years.” He was
ousted without ceremony and given an honorific post “without real power or
authority.”
Moreover, two officials who had
worked with Putin since his time in St. Petersburg, deputy prime ministers
Dmitry Kozak and Vitaly Mutko, were also ousted. They may get something profitable
in business but they are no longer to be close to Putin or the center of power.
Their departure means that “in the
new government in general do not remain any ‘Petersburgers,’ those who began
their ascent to the heights of power together with Putin” when he was “a simple
official.” And that means that “a new
era has really begun,” one without such people and the special access they had.
And then there is Yury Chaika, Shaburov
points out. He had been procurator general since 2006 and, before that, justice
minister in the first Putin government in 1999 but now is out. He will now be
only presidential plenipotentiary in the North Caucasus, again very far from
the center of power.
“The trend is obvious,” the editor
of the Politsovet portal says. “Putin is removing from the power structures
all those with whom he once had any personal relations and even more personal
obligations. In their place are coming people with a different background,
those who began their careers when Putin already was at the top.”
“Putin doesn’t have any obligations
too them, and they owe him everything,” Shaburov says. It is likely that “Putin
wants to complete the total transformation and rotation of elites in the course
of the next several years [because] he wants to leave the presidency surrounded
by a new class of administrators.”
The issue now is not whether they
are technocrats or siloviki. Instead, it is about installing those who cannot
imagine “in Putin’s own opinion” a state without him as the main force and who
do not consider themselves in any way his equal. “This will be a guarantee of
his power even after his exit from the office of president.”
Such people will “not ask excessive
questions, always stand behind their chief, and fulfill any order. And it is
precisely with an elite of that kind that Putin wants to rule Russia in the coming
years.”
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