Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 17 – Russian
politicians often say Russia needs strong one-man rule because of its national
traditions or its enormous size, but in his speech to the first meeting of the
working group on constitutional change, Vladimir Putin says it must be a
presidential republic because of the multi-ethnic and poly-confessional
composition of its population.
“With our complex organization of
the state, with its poly-confessional and multi-national character and with its
enormous territory, this [a shift to a parliamentary form of governance] would
be for Russia a very serious test. It is unknown how it would end,” he says (nazaccent.ru/content/31988-putin-v-mnogokonfessionalnoj-i-mnogonacionalnoj-rossii.html).
The Kremlin leader tells the group
which includes representatives of national-cultural organizations, that the
State Council must be strengthened but it should not replace the upper house of
the parliament, the Federation Council. “It is the chamber of the regions,” and
“we must not create a second chamber of the regions” in the State Council.
Putin’s comments reflect his deep aversion
to any decentralization or federalism. In fact, Russia is far less ethnically and
religious diverse than many other countries -- indeed less than most. In the
world today there are roughly 7000 nations and 200 countries. That means the average
country has about 350. Russia officially has fewer than 200.
What the Kremlin leader is
frightened of as he has indicated on many occasions is that decentralization
and federalism set the stage for disintegration especially if the territorial
units are based on ethnicity or religion. He clearly fears that any strengthening
of the regions and republics could lead to another 1991.
Putin thus does not see
federalization as Lenin did for Russia and as other leaders have for other
countries whose size and diversity require that approach but rather as a threat
to the state itself. And he wants to make sure in small ways and large that
nothing is done to give the regions and republics more authority or power.
But his insistence on a hyper-centralized
presidentialist system is likely a bigger threat to the future of the Russian
Federation than any moves toward federalism or even decentralization because it
deprives that country of the flexibility it needs not only to cope with current
challenges but also to experiment.
And so in seeking even more centralization
as he is doing now, Putin is again following in a long line of rulers who have
produced what they most fear and dislike by their insistence on opposing it rather
than by figuring out ways in which they can find common ground and a basis for
cooperation.
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