Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 29 -- 75 years ago this
week, FDR, Churchill and Stalin met in Yalta to agree on the division of
post-World War II Europe. Now, Vladimir Putin wants to assemble the presidents
of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council to do something even
more sweeping -- to agree on those for what might be called the post-post-Cold
War world.
Putin’s call at a meeting in Jerusalem
last week for such a meeting has drawn support only from France, China, and the
United Nations. The US and the UK have not yet signaled how they will respond.
But speculation about what such a meeting might lead to is rife, especially in
Moscow.
Dmitry Yevstafyev, a specialist on
international relations at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics, provides a
useful early take on what the meeting might focus on and what its results might
be for Russia and for the other World War II victor-powers (eurasia.expert/novaya-yalta-vladimira-putina-strategicheskaya-perspektiva-dlya-evrazii/).
Moscow is more prepared for such a dialogue
than anyone else, the scholar says. It has a ready-made package of proposals
and has recognized more fully than anyone else that the pre-existing
international order has collapsed and that a new order needs to be put in place
lest the world collapse into “a period of struggle without rules” as Donald
Trump seems to want.
According to Yevstafyev, Moscow believes
that “the transition to multi-polarity can be accomplished in an essentially
more ‘peaceful’ and administered way” if the key players can agree to
relatively transparent “rules of the game. That Russia has taken the lead in
this, the analyst continues, understands what is needed.
The issue, “of course,” isn’t about some “’division
of the world’ which is now impossible either in colonial or neo-colonial
formats.” Rather, the MGIMO scholar argues, the Russian vision is to have regions
replace globalization and regional hegemons replace any mono-polar world led by
the US.
He suggests there are three key principles
involved. First, “’a New Yalta’ will be more the product of geo-economics than
geo-politics.” That means that the five permanent members of can only propose
divisions and hierarchies: other countries will have to be involved in this
process as well.
Second, “a stable system of transition to
a multi-polar world cannot but include the new centers of economic and
military-political influence which have full state sovereignty.” Any such dialogue
will include countries like India, Iran, Argentina, Indonesia, Egypt, Vietnam,
Turkey, Japan, Poland and Germany. Others may be represented by proxies.
And third, such dialogue must be directed
at the formation of regions in place of globalization. Eurasia and the
Russia-led Eurasian Economic Community will be one of these. To the extent that
it is, efforts by countries to pursue “multi-vector” foreign policies will be
counter-productive and harmful.
In conclusion, Yevstafyev says, the
original Yalta included “a generation of victors.” Now, he argues, Russia “at a
minimum” must form another such generation, one confident that it consists of
winners too.
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