Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 7 – Russians marked
the anniversary of Stalin’s death in a variety of ways: the communists covered
his grave at the Kremlin wall with flowers; anti-Stalinists in Yekaterinburg
remembered his victims; but Putin’s official news agency Novosti descended
still further into the Stalin’s world of lies by repeating the dictator’s version
of the Katyn massacre.
This represents a dangerous
development because it means that the Putin regime showed that it is prepared to
use perhaps the worst kind of the Stalinist lies, the one in which no matter
what the facts, Moscow is always right and must be believed and all its opponents
are always wrong and should be ignored, Andrey Kolsenikov says (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/191640?fcc).
There is “an absolute consensus” among
professional historians that Stalin was behind the killing of thousands of Polish
officers at Katyn, the commentator continues. Putin even acknowledged this at one
point by visiting the memorial there and dropping to his knees, the only time
it can be said that he really rose from them.
Now his propaganda outlet has
retreated from that honesty and completed with Katyn the four stages of Soviet
duplicity: first, denial, then arguing that it was something good when it wasn’t,
then that whatever was done had a higher purpose, and finally, that “we can only
be victims not murders and if we were murderers we were also victims.”
Classical “whataboutism.”
According to Kolesnikov, this development
represents “the conscious and consistent shift of state historical policy onto
Stalinist rails,” the use of anyone who will say what the Kremlin requires no
matter how much he may be a freak as in this case and the expectation that
Russians will believe what he says.
The powers that be have good reason
to believe that they will succeed at least in this case. “The ordinary Russian
doesn’t know anything about Katyn. He doesn’t know anything about anything. But
he is firmly convinced that others are ‘falsifying’ our history. When a
government agency presents ‘a historian and political analyst,’ the ordinary Russian
believes him.
It may be that this broadcast was
the first time many Russians had heard the word “Katyn” or like their Soviet-era
counterparts confused it with the Belarusian village Khatyn. That means that the
empty places in their minds will be filled with the version of events, “the
heirs of Stalin” want them to have.
But what is important to recognize,
the commentator says, is that this presentation goes beyond the reinterpretation
of the past to a direct lie about it, from the recent praise of the Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact as a necessary and even triumphant act to something worse, a lie that those
who say it know is a lie and who are prepared to raise it to the status of “official
policy.”
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