Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 10 – One of the most
serious consequences when an event or development overwhelms the news is that
other things that would normally attract attention are ignored – and worse that
some leaders exploit this lack of attention to these things to take actions
that the opposition in normal times might block.
Vladimir Putin is past master at
using crises for his own purposes in this way and others. And now he has taken
a step which will cast a dark shadow on Russia long after the pandemic
fades. He is preparing to allow his
security service, the FSB, keep far more things secret and thus be able to act in
an uncontrolled and unconstitutional manner.
In Novaya gazeta, Moscow
lawyer Ivan Pavlov calls attention to a new draft presidential decree that was
published online a week ago but has not attracted much attention given the entirely
understandable focus of media outlets on the coronavirus pandemic and its
economic consequences (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2020/04/10/84823-fsb-pod-prikrytiem-epidemii).
To be sure, the FSB has never corresponded
to the criteria of openness that the constitution requires and that the
government itself ordered at least for a time (system.infometer.org/ru/monitoring/552/rating/
and pravo.gov.ru/proxy/ips/?docbody=&prevDoc=102133975&backlink=1&&nd=102080144).
And in one sense, the new decree
simply brings the law into correspondence with what the FSB has been doing. But
the sweep of its directives that from now on the FSB does not have to release
information on its sites about a wide variety of things that at least in the
past it was supposed to and that Russians could turn to the courts to try to
force it to be more forthcoming.
Among the subjects the FSB will not
be required to release information in the future if this decree is signed and
goes into effect are the structures of the organs, the tasks and functions of
territorial units, other data about the leadership of the FSB, information
about its backing of media outlets, draft laws and decrees it is preparing, information
about its international activities, the travel of its leadership, information
about its purchases, and the conduct of its anti-corruption commissions.
All of these restrictions are
troubling, but of particular concern is the ban on dissemination of information
about the role of the FSB in preparing laws and decrees, Pavlov says. That
means the agency can write the laws in ways that will allow it to operate even
more freely than now.
“There has never been a tradition of
transparency in this administration,” the lawyer continues. “This decree is
needed in other that the siloviki will receive the opportunity formally not to
observe those demand which are inconvenient for it but are necessary for
society as a preventive measure to defend itself against the arbitrariness of the
special services.”
To the extent that this decree makes
it far more difficult for Russian citizens and civil society activists to know
what the FSB is doing, he concludes, it will give the FSB “the opportunity to
act in an uncontrolled fashion, broadening its actions to limit the rights of
citizens.”
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