Paul
Goble
Staunton, December 7 – The enthusiasm
of Russians for the annexation of Crimea cannot be explained by the usual kind
of geopolitical calculations but rather by their desire to stand up to the rest
of the world by throwing off all the rules of that world and living according
to their own, Mikhail Epstein, a cultural theorist at Emory University, argues.
And that desire, he argues in an
extensive article in “Novaya gazeta,” not only has its roots in the culture perhaps
best described by Fyodor Dostoyevsky in his “Notes from the Underground” but
means that understanding Russia today requires a recourse to psychology and
philosophy rather than political science (novayagazeta.ru/comments/66388.html).
Moreover, Epstein suggests, it requires
an appreciation of the existential quality of Russian life now, the sense that
it has been constrained and put on its knees by others and that to be genuinely
Russian it must break out of those constraints imposed by the hated others,
rise to its full height, and take on the world even if that leads to
Armageddon.
When one watches Russian television and
hears Russian commentators threaten to use nuclear weapons against the United
States and to employ its military to occupy Europe and “establishment over it the
power of a Russian tsar, the Russian scholar says, a truly disturbing
conclusion suggests itself.
And that is this: there is in the world
something more dangerous than even fascism or communism. This ideology is
related to fascism in approximately the same way as nuclear weapons are related
to conventional ones.” And it can be called “pan-phobia” – total hatred not to
particular classes, nations or races but to the world as such.”
Such hatred in turn leads Russians to
want to create situations in which they are able to “dictate their will” to
others or “to destroy” these hated others.
This is “an insane and irrational idea,” but it is abroad in Russia
today.
The Russian philosopher Konstantin
Leontyev once observed that “Russia will give birth to the Anti-Christ.” Many
had thought that this was communism and had concluded more recently that “this
danger was in the past” for Russia, Epstein says. “But it is possible that
communism was only a prologue” to something much worse.
In the catechism of the Eurasian Union
of Youth, he continues, the following words are writing: “’We are empire
builders of the latest type and will not agree to less than power over the
world because we are lords of the earth and children and grandchildren of
rulers of the earth. Peoples and countries have bowed down before us.’”
That some marginal groups should believe
such things is one thing, but the Eurasians are now at the center of Russian
political discourse, and that is terrifying because it shows just how much more
Dostoyevsky’s “underground man” with his “existentialist” perspective has come
to characterize Russia today than he did in Soviet times.
Than underground man, he continues, does
not feel himself bound by any rules and sees dishonest as a virtue. Moreover,
he does not want to be cured of this, not only because he celebrates his
illness but because he sees those calling for him to return to rationality as
the enemy and something which must be destroyed.
The majority of experts in both Moscow
and the West think that “having acquired Crimea, Russia is losing incomparable
more. It is losing Ukraine. It is losing investments, trust, and economic
stability. It is losing its place in the world community. [And] potentially it
is losing itself, having set a precedent” which will make it hard for it to
hold the country together.
But that is to approach the issue from the
point of view of the rational man and not his underground counterpart. For the
latter, “perhaps, the case was not about the acquisition of Crimea but about
the grandiose display of an act of will” unconstrained by precisely those
things that would limit a rational man or a rational country?
What is on view in Russia today is a
people who consist of “disappointed” Soviet citizens, “who have suddenly
recognized their orphan status. The universe will never give them that love to
which [they believe] they have the right to expect.” And consequently, they are both more
aggressive and more depressed than their Soviet predecessors.
Obviously, Epstein says, not everyone in
Russia fits this profile. But those who oppose the regime find themselves in a
very different place than did Soviet-era dissidents. Today, they are opposing
not this or that policy but “senselessness” as such, and therefore they are
acting in a “very Russian fashion, throwing absurd challenges in the era of the
absurd.”
In the current situation, the Russian
scholar says, “it is difficult to believe that they will win. But long ago
Tertullian, the first Christian existentialist, said “Credo quia absurdum est,”
and perhaps that both helps to explain Russian attitudes and actions now and
gives the only basis for hope in the near or middle term.
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