Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 17 – Over the
holidays, Russians have nonetheless paid attention to many things, including
the war in Ukraine and the attacks on Charlie Hebdo, but according to a Russian
commentator in the Far East, they appear to have missed what may be the most
fateful event of the last several weeks.
On the Beregrus portal this week,
Georgy Belogorov argues that a new Russian law creating special districts to
promote development and especially development in the Russian Far East in fact
create “a state within a state” east of the Urals and thus open the door to
Siberian separatism (beregrus.ru/?p=4031).
The
law creating special economic zones signed by Vladimir Putin on December 29 and
ostensibly designed to attract and facilitate Chinese and other international
investment in Siberia and other regions has the effect of creating formations
not subject to Russian laws or taxation and thus remind one of “a state within
a state,” according to Belogorov.
Were
such zones limited to a single city like Vladivostok, they might have been
justified, he continues, but putting in such a zone 16 federal subjects which
form “60 percent of the territory of Russia” and allowing it to be “out from
under federal laws on natural resources, forests, lands, construction, labor
activity and citizenship” is dangerous.
Those who voted for the law may believe
they were acting in the best interests of Russia, but there are others in the
region, in the liberal camp and abroad in China “who have been dreaming about ‘the
separation of the Far East, Siberia’ and so on since the beginnings of the
1990s.
In the best case, Belogorov says,
Russia will eventually get these zones back but without the profit from them
and with their natural wealth stolen by others; but “in the worst, this will in
fact involve the transfer of 60 percent of the Russian land to China,” without
Beijing having had to fight for it. “Siberia and the Far East are already de
facto Chinese!”
In addition to China, there
are various international corporations and hostile foreign states who are interested
in promoting Siberian regionalism and even independence, he says. Not long ago,
students at an Irkutsk faculty linked to American and Australian universities
were asked to “model the economy of a Siberian state.”
Neither Moscow
nor the FSB showed much interest just as they have not shown much interest in
investigating the rise of Siberian separatism in the past even though it is
growing because the younger generation east of the Urals is more likely to have
gone to and focus on China than to have gone to and focus on the capital of the
Russian Federation.
And such people, Belogorov says, are
being encouraged in such a shift in identity by groups like the Olastnik
Alternative of Siberia, the Siberian Movement, the New Roads of Siberia, and the
Siberians Movement.
The new federal law will only make their work
easier, the commentator says. But he concludes that “not everything is yet
lost. There is a chance” to reverse the current trend. But Russians must act
now because “the Lord God may not give them another chance.”
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