Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 26 – Moscow
believes that its attack on Mariupol and its envelopment of a significant Ukrainian
force will put Russia in a position to force Kyiv to capitulate, Moscow
commentator Boris Sokolov says; but he argues that Ukraine still has the
ability to win this war despite these defeats.
In a commentary on Grani.ru today,
Sokolov says that “the conditions of capitulation” Putin hopes to impose are “an
end of the counter-terrorist operation, the transfer of the entire territories
of Donetsk and Luhansk oblast to the control of the separatists,” autonomy and
a veto by them over Kyiv’s actions, and their right to maintain “their own
armed formations and conclude international agreements” (grani.ru/opinion/sokolov/m.237208.html).
Such a capitulation, he continues, “almost
certainly would lead to a change of government in Kyiv.”
To prevent that from happening, the
Ukrainian army needs to take several steps in order to win “at least a local
military victory.” And there are reasons
to think it can. First of all, “the majority of Ukrainian soldiers and officers
are more motivated” than the Russian military and Donetsk separatists who are fighting
them.
Many of the latter are uncertain
whether their own government will protect them, but “the main thing is that
they are fighting without enthusiasm against Ukrainians who only yesterday were
considered ‘a fraternal people.’” Moreover, most of the separatists are either
criminals or anarchists and thus not well-adapted to military discipline.
The Ukrainian army can deal with this
Russian force, but to do so, Sokolov argues, it needs to change its leadership
and that leadership’s Soviet-style insistence on defending every piece of
territory to the death. Instead, it needs a war of maneuver that will allow it
to choose where to fight rather than allowing the Russian side to determine it.
But two other steps are at least as
important, the Moscow analyst suggests. On the one hand, the Ukrainian army
needs to show that it can “destroy one of the local Russian groupings,”
something that will undermine morale on the Russian side and “together with
Russian pressure force Putin to end the war in the Donbas.”
And on the other, it needs to take
prisoners and show them to the world, thus proving that Ukraine lives according
to international law and that Russian forces, despite the lies of Moscow, are
actively involved in the fighting in Ukraine.
Avoiding doing so in the hope of reaching an agreement with Putin is a
false one, Sokolov says.
(Handling Russian prisoners in this
way, although Sokolov does not mention it in his essay, is especially important
to highlight the difference between the Ukrainian and Russian sides in this
conflict now that the Donetsk regime has declared that it will ignore
international law and not take any prisoners (cogita.ru/cogita/grazhdanskaya-aktivnost/net-voine/prikaz-ne-brat-plennyh-2013-prestupen).)
If Ukraine takes those steps, he
argues, “there will be more chances that under pressure of public opinion,
Western leaders will be forced to strengthen to the maximum extent possible
their sanctions against Russia,” and those sanctions together with Ukrainian
firmness on the battlefield and in government will give Ukraine the victory.
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