Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 11 – Ten months
after the Anschluss, the Russian occupation authorities have succeeded in changing
that Ukrainian peninsula to such an extent that Crimea now resembles Belarus, a
place where one can live “in sufficient comfort” as long as one doesn’t have “any
need to have any contact with the state,” according to Pavel Kazarin.
Kazarin, who is an observer for
RFE/RL’s Crimean Realities portal, drew that conclusion on the basis of his
latest visit to Crimea, one that he said challenged both what some Ukrainians
are saying about the peninsula and what some Russian media outlets routinely
claim (ru.krymr.com/content/article/26786148.html).
On the
one hand, he says, the shelves in the stores are not empty although there has
been a significant reduction in the variety of good available. “Drunken
Cossacks with whips are not going through the streets.” But on the other, “you
notice immediately the lack of a desire to discuss politics,” a feature that is
also true of Belarus.
Residents
of Crimea are suffering from inflation: today, Kazarin says, “prices are
comparable to those in Kyiv and for some things even exceed those,” and pay
hikes have not kept up either with the rising prices or the falling exchange
rate of the Russian ruble. One thing in short supply is alcohol.
In many
respects, January 1 “became a moment of truth,” he continues, because from the
start of this year, Crimea residents and businesses are supposed to complete
the transition from the Ukrainian legal environment to the Russian one –
although the occupation authorities have been forced to delay portions of this
transition until mid-year.
The
people hardest hit by this transition, he says, are the operators of small
stores and businesses who are now being forced to bring their operations up to
Russian technical standards, which are much harsher than the Ukrainian, or go
out of business. Many of them have no choice but to close down.
The
challenges presented by the “legal integration” of Crimea with Russia have
raised far more questions among Crimeans than have the sanctions regime imposed
by the US and the EU. They seldom used Visa or MasterCards, they as before don’t
expect many Western visitors, and rising prices for air tickets are irrelevant:
70 percent of them haven’t gone outside the peninsula in recent times.
On the other
hand, Kazarin says, “certain specialties have disappeared in the peninsula.”
There is little or no demand for translators, and those who trained to work in
that area are now mostly without work. But the “most unfavorable profession” of
all is that of teachers of political science.
They are now
forced to talk about the “incurable” difficulties Crimeans had when they lived
as part of Ukraine, and they have to ask their students to prepare reports on
themes like “The Overcoming of the Consequences of EU and US Sanctions,” as if,
Kazarin says, “someone in the Kremlin knows the answer to this question.”
No one wants to
talk politics, and criticism of the authorities stops with those Russian
officials in charge of the peninsula, Kazarin stresses. It does not extend to
Moscow or Vladimir Putin.
The recent
visitor sums up the situation in the following way: “In everything else, Crimea
continues to remind one of the center of a hurricane,” a place of relative calm
around which everything else is swirling. Its annexation last year triggered a
change of “the entire architecture of international security,” but today
Crimeans feel its consequences primarily on “secondary” issues like inflation.
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