Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 2 – The collapse of
shipping on the Northern Sea Route last year reflects not only Western sanctions but also Russian
actions and inactions and suggests that “the Northern Sea Route may be frozen
for a long time to come -- even in an era of global warming” which might otherwise
be expected to open it further, according to Tatyana Khrulyeva.
In 2014, the Rosbalt analyst writes,
shipping over the route in which Moscow has placed so much hope as part of its
geopolitical strategy declined by 80 percent. Most analysts blamed Western
sanctions and the collapse of Western cooperation with Russian oil and gas
companies and of Western investment in the region more generally.
But while those undoubtedly played a
role and will continue to do so, Khrulyeva says, many of the problems Moscow now
faces are of its own making, including but its assertion of sovereignty over
the region which raises questions about the legal regime of shipping there and
its failure to develop infrastructure since 1990 (rosbalt.ru/business/2015/03/01/1372205.html).
Global warming had led many in
Moscow to predict that Russian expectations for the Northern Sea Route would
soon be realized, she continues, not only because it would make the passage
easier and thus more attractive for as a shorter shipping route between Asia
and Europe but also because it would open up the region for the exploitation of
its natural resources.
The
last year appeared to dash these hopes: the tonnage of freight shipped across
the route fell by 80 percent from 2013.
Moscow’s first reaction was to view this as an indication that the route
was “one of the first hostages of the current economic crisis, with declining
oil prices making the Suez route cheaper and sanctions making Western firms
less interested in cooperating with Russian firms or investing in the region.
The
international economic crisis certainly played a role, but Khrulyeva points
out, there have been significant changes in the domestic Russian marketplace
and there are underlying problems some caused by Moscow’s specific actions and
alternatively some caused by its failure in the past and inability now to
invest in the development of the route.
The
decline in shipping in 2014 reflected two important domestic developments, she
says: the failure of transport companies to agree with natural resource
developers on the price of shipping and the shift in business from the Vitino
port on the Kola Peninsula to the Ust-Luga port near St. Petersburg.
However,
she argues, a far greater role in the decline was played by the failure of the
Russian authorities and business to modernize infrastructure. “With the
exception of Murmansk and partially Dudinsk,” none of the ports in the region
have been modernized since 1990. And only Murmansk can currently handle ships
of more than 30,000 tons.
Those
are far from the only problems with infrastructure, however. As a result of the
absence of financing even during the “fat” years, navigation and
search-and-rescue facilities along the route are near collapse. And for similar
reasons, there simply aren’t enough people being trained to operate these or
the ships themselves.
The
authorities can’t agree on a price structure for handling the accompanying of
ships, and they have not taken the necessary steps to ensure that the route can
handle contain shipping, which is now, except for certain kinds of bulk cargo,
the most important form of such transport, Khrulyeva says.
One
place where Moscow has acted is creating real problems for the Southern Sea
Route. The Kremlin’s constant suggestion that Russian sovereignty extends to the
pole has raised questions among foreign companies about what legal regime they
would be operating on. Amending the constitution to end the supremacy of
international law will only make that worse.
Meanwhile,
the rest of the world isn’t standing idle. There are now plans to create a
second channel for the Suez Canal by 2023, and that will further reduce
interest in what Moscow had hoped would be a major lever for projecting its
geo-economic and geo-political interests in Asia and Europe.
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