Paul
Goble
Staunton, June 2 – Internet publications,
blogs and social media in general, the new media many have expected to
transform Russia’s media and public space, are in fact “developing in [Russia’s]
regions according to exactly the same scenarios as the market of traditional
media,” according to Olga Dovbysh of Moscow’s Higher School of Economics.
And the dependence of the new media
on the same sources of financing as the old means, she argues in a new report
on this subject, that widespread assumptions “about the [supposed] economic and
political independence of Internet journalism” does not stand up under close
analysis (opec.ru/1830978.html).
That in turn, Dovbysh says, means
that the usefulness of new media as a political resource for the opposition is
very doubtful: “Political debates in the social media, blogosphere and Internet
media … are isolated from the mass audience ‘and are leading to a still greater
marginalization of political forces which are represented in this sphere.’”
In Russian regions, she says,
traditional media are largely controlled by the local authorities and big
business who use “economic levers” to “sponsor” publications which promote
their views, an example of “’the purchase of loyalty,’” Olga Dovbysh says. That
has happened, she suggests, because of the underdevelopment of the advertising sector.
There are simply too few groups
prepared to buy advertising, and consequently, the owners of traditional media
outlets in order to survive must make deals with the big political and economic
players in their marketplace. And those deals mean that in most cases, the
government and businesses get the coverage they want and are paying for.
Despite expectations, the Moscow
scholar continues, the same kind of relationship between the powers that be and
the traditional media “are being reproduced in the system of the new media
which to a large extent lives on the basis of money from contracts concerning
the provision of information services” – and for the same reasons.
Dovbysh gives as an example the
situation in Rostov oblast where the top five funders of both kinds of media
are the same and including the city administration, electoral commission,
internal affairs and information policy ministry, and businesses. Government officials are especially
interested in having businesses take the lead because this saves them money,
represents a kind of political contribution, and allows them to claim they aren’t
interfering.
The Moscow scholar says that
Internet media in the regions typically is “an electronic version of the paper
press or a portal financed by an owner.”
Social media in the regions are “not so active,” but even there, the
authorities have developed a system to ensure their control of what is
reported.
And the blogosphere, while it
typically touches only an insignificant portion of the population, is
increasingly the object of government attention because those involved in this
sector are “the more educated and active residents.” Sometimes officials become bloggers but at other
times, they try to win over bloggers by giving them special access to
officials.
Thus, Dovbysh concludes, “the new media” at
least in Russia’s regions are turning out to be just as dependent as the old
media has become rather than constituting a challenge to that media and to the
powers behind it.
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