Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 11 – In May 1987, Matthias
Rust flew his Cessna from West Germany through Soviet air controls and landed
on Red Square, an action that forced Mikhail Gorbachev and the Soviet
leadership to rethink their position in the world and ultimately to change
their policies at home and abroad.
One Moscow commentator has drawn exactly
that parallel between Rust and the Tomahawk strike (forum-msk.org/material/news/13056258.html).
Others say that the latest US action is far worse for Moscow than Turkey’s downing
of a Russian fighter (rusmonitor.com/evgenijj-ikhlov-ehtot-geopoliticheskijj-razgrom-stal-stokrat-unizitelnejj-chem-tureckijj-perekhvat-bombardirovshhika-v-noyabre-2015.html).
And still others point out that the attack
shows that Vladimir Putin couldn’t defend his ally (nv.ua/opinion/goltz/putinskij-dutyj-puzyr-955388.html)
and that in the emerging conflict with the West, Russia will have real allies
beyond Iran and Hezbollah (ng.ru/politics/2017-04-10/100_echo10042017.html).
The extreme quality of these mood
swings – only a month ago, many in Moscow had concluded that Putin was winning
in Syria and on his way to getting exactly what he wanted on Ukraine and
sanctions not only from the new US president but from the West as well – means that
they should be approached cautiously.
But it is clearly the case that
Putin and his regime have suffered a major reversal, one that they will be
compelled to respond to quite possibly in ways positive and negative that no
one, including themselves, could have anticipated last month. Just how
problematic Moscow’s situation may be is highlighted by Moscow journalist
Yevgeny Kiselyov.
In a commentary for Ekho Moskvy, he
suggests that Putin’s policies up to this point have disappeared in much the
same way that he promised to “disappear” the Chechens at the start of his rule,
a conclusion supported by the Kremlin’s inability to find more allies than Iran
and Hezbollah (echo.msk.ru/blog/kiselev/1960108-echo/).
By issuing a joint
statement with Iran and the Palestinian organization, Kiselyov says, Moscow has
highlighted its isolation and the absurdity of its appeals to international law
given that not only Iran and the Palestinian group have routinely flouted
international law but so too has Russia; and it has done so in a way for the
entire world to see.
But the Kremlin – and that means
Putin – has done something else as well: it has shown that Russia’s “national
interests” are playing no role in what is going on. “There is only the megalomania of one may who
wants to be not only Russian president for life but also the master of the seas
and oceans as well.”
Putin can be such “only in the
dreamed-up world where the Russian president lives,” the journalist says. When reality intervenes, as it has this time
with the display of American power, no one is going to accept his version. As a
result, “there isn’t going to be a new Yalta or a new Potsdam,” about which so
many speculated even a few weeks ago.
Putin and others may complain about
the US continuing to be “the world’s policeman,” Kiselyov concludes, but “this
role is a more worthy one than the role of an international hooligan” which is
all the Kremlin leader has shown himself capable of being.
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