Paul
Goble
Staunton, April 20 – Even as Moscow
continues to ignore or downplay the size of the long-haul truckers’ strike –
with Dmitry Medvedev absurdly claiming that only 490 trucks are taking part –
and some regional officials moving against the strikers, the truckers have
delivered a stark message to Moscow: “As soon as the first blood starts
flowing, a revolution will begin.”
Znak journalist Igor Pushkaryev
describes his visit to a truckers’ encampment in Sverdlovsk oblast in a
4,000-word article that suggests the truckers are standing firm, gaining popular
support and attracting more truckers to their cause, becoming increasingly radical
(znak.com/2017-04-19/odin_den_s_dalnoboychikami_protestuyuchimi_na_urale_reportazh_znak_com).
The truckers in the camp he vitised,
Pushkaryev says, are increasingly well-organized, they receive food from
supporters and prepare it for truckers who have parked their vehicles, and they
have organized a system of around-the-clock guards in order to prevent the
militia or other force structures from staging a provocation, something many
expect and fear.
One interesting detail that the journalist
reports is that the Zello Internet system which drivers use in scheduling their
loads and w hich Moscow said it was blocking continues to function entirely normally.
One drive said that “we also though they had prohibited it but for the same
being everything is working normally.
From the Zello network, the
Sverdlovsk group learned that 300 truckers from Udmurtia and 80 from Oryol
oblast joined the strike the day before the journalist arrived. They also learned that truckers in Chita in
the Transbaikal and a major transshipment point for trade between Russia and
China have now struck as well.
Reportedly, the China authorities are
threatening to bring in Chinese drivers to replace the Russian strikers. If
true and if that happens, it could touch off an explosion.
So far, the Sverdlovsk authorities
have not tried to intervene to stop the strike or to prevent the strikers from
seeking to get others to join their ranks, the Znak journalist says; but they
are working to intimidate people by photographing the trucks parked in the encampment
and taking down the license plate numbers.
On the one hand, Pushkaryev says,
several drivers said they wanted to do everything possible “not to be recruited
into politics.” These drivers all PARNAS party activists who have been visiting
them “’sectarians,’” a term that in Russian carries far more negative
connotations than it does in English.
But on the other hand, he continues,
“the majority of those at this camp completely consciously support Navalny and
those issues which the opposition figure raises.” The way the authorities have
treated the elderly and children at marches Navalny has organized has driven
many drivers to see him as an attractive, even admirable leader.
Most of the drivers are hostile not
only to the government in general, something true of many Russians, but also to
Vladimir Putin personalliy. “Putin in
2015 promises us to do away with the transportation tax. Did he do that?
No! Who can believe him now?” was the
way one striking driver put it.
The truckers say that they will “stand
to the end because there is no sense to do anything else.” They are angry that
the authorities won’t talk to them. And some of them are prepared for a more
violent outcome: “Speaking honestly,” one driver said, “I am ready for a real
revolution, one based on force.”
And in what is clearly a warning to
any of the powers that be who may be thinking about dispersing the truckers by
force, he continued, “as soon as the first blood is shet, a real revolution
will begin.”
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