Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 28 – Former Nationalities
Minister Valery Tishkov is calling for the 2020 Russian census to allow people
to declare more than one ethnic identity and more than one native language, a
development that Moscow ethno-sociologist Leokadiya Drobizheva says could have
far-reaching consequences for some regions and republics.
Academician Tishkov made his
proposal this week at a meeting between Russia’s ethnic specialists and
Vladimir Putin about the new nationality strategy document now up for approval (nazaccent.ru/content/28509-prezidentu-predlozhili-obnovit-etnicheskuyu-chast-vserossijskoj.html; cf. windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2018/10/new-nationality-strategy-opens-way-to.html).
Drobizheva, the director of the Moscow
Center for Research on Inter-Ethnic Relations of the Academy of Sciences
Institute of Sociology who also attended that meeting, has commented on Tishkov’s
proposal in an interview with Gulnaz Badretdin of Kazan’s Business-Gazeta
portal (business-gazeta.ru/article/400579).
If Tishkov’s proposal is accepted, the
ethno-sociologist says, it would permit recording in the census data not now
collected. Someone could say that he or she identifies as a Tatar or Bashkir
but by culture “more Russian,” or alternatively, that he or she is “basically a
Russian but has traditional Tatar/Bashkir culture.”
These are, of course very different
things and part of the multiplicity of identities people actually have,
Drobizheva continues. Tishkov wants this
diversity to be recorded in the census [but] whether that is possible and to
what degree is something which is still being discussed.”
Asked if this change in the census
could lead to conflicts because some national groups will fear that “by this bureaucratic
means,” their numbers will be reduced and thus their power and influence along
with it, Drobizheva responds with words that deserve the closest possible
attention for what they say about how Moscow views ethnicity and ethnic activism
now.
“If you consider people who are
ethnically active,” the ethno-sociologist continues, noting that she “does not
want to call them nationalists although the term ‘nationalism’ with us is
becoming ambiguous. Earlier a nationalist was someone who poorly related to
people of other nationalities; but no even the president uses the term ‘nationalism’
in the civic sense, to designate an individual who is concerned about his nation,
his people and his ethnic group.”
Consequently, Drobizheva says, “people
whom we could call nationalists in this way are those who are concerned about
this and who consider that their people should have more rights or they will
suffer.” And for such people, the issue of the size of a nation is critical
because size matters.
Identification by people with more
than one nation will have an impact on the size of some peoples. “Therefore,
for them,” she says, “this will be viewed as a loss of what they have achieved
in history. That is certainly possible.” And “for certain territories, of course, this
could have even more importance than for those republics” named for the main
nationality.
Even for them, this reduction in
numbers would be relatively small, perhaps “9 to 11 percent of their
population,” a figure that could be really important for some of the smaller
nationalities in the Russian Federation, Drobizheva says, but not for larger
nations like the Tatars because the latter “have very stable
self-consciousness.”
The Moscow ethno-sociologist does not
address the following issue, but it is one that is certainly on the minds of
many non-Russians. If Tishkov’s proposal
is accepted and if residents of Russia can declare more than one ethnic
identity and more than one native language, Moscow will be able to decide how
to allocate the results.
Almost certainly in the current
environment, the Russian authorities will use such reporting to boost the
number of ethnic Russians who have been declining in size relative to other
national groups and boost the number of people who speak Russian while reducing
the number who speak non-Russian languages.
The Putin regime beyond doubt would
use the first tactic to suggest that it had solved the demographic problems of
the ethnic Russian nation and the second to call for a further contraction of schools
and institutions in non-Russian languages. And it would likely use both to push
for an end to the non-Russian republics or at a minimum further reduce their
special rights.
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