Paul Goble
Staunton,
October 18 – Elections at the municipal level are going on more or less
constantly in Russia, but they seldom attract much attention from the
population or it seems from the systemic opposition parties. Instead, these
races are dominated by United Russia and to a lesser extent by those running at
least nominally as independents.
That
might not matter in many countries, Ivan Rodin of Nezavisimaya gazeta says; but
the Putin system’s “filtration” arrangements in which candidates for governor
must get support from local officials means that in the future the opposition
parties will in many cases not be able even to run (ng.ru/politics/2018-10-17/1_7334_consignment.html).
Experts at the
Golos voting studies group say in a new report, The Sleepy Kingdom: How Parties have Forgotten about the Voters,
that “the inability of the majority of political parties to independently
overcome the municipal filter in gubernatorial elections in large measure is
the result of the passivity of the parties themselves in local elections.”
They draw that conclusion on the
basis of an examination of the results of 44 local elections which took place
in 68 federal subjects over the last two years. In them, United Russia won 827
seats and independents won 198, but the systemic parties finished far behind,
with the KPRF getting only 37 seats, the LDPR only 27; and Just Russia, just
18.”
This “passivity,” Rodin says, “has
an objective basis.” Party leaders aren’t
interested in running in local elections, often don’t have local ones on whom
they can draw, and have inevitable difficulties in getting the approval of the
United Russia-dominated administrations especially outside of Moscow.
The dominance of United Russia and
independents over the other parties is even more pronounced at the level of
heads of municipalities. There, out of 140 chosen by the voters, United Russia
took 87 of the chairs, and independents 45.
The three systemic opposition parties together took only eight.
On the basis of this study, the
Golos experts draw the following conclusions: “The present-day Russian party
system is not fulfilling its key functions: the parties as a rule do not take
part in the overwhelming majority of elections, they are weak in choosing and
promoting cadres, they poorly reflect the interests of definite groups of the population
in the localities, and do not ensure communications between citizens and local
social institutions, on the one hand, and the authorities, on the other.”
This pattern, they say, is
undermining the authority of the party system, especially given that government
payments to the parties have not declined but risen. This has led to what they call “a crisis in the
party system,” one that is causing ever more members of the political and
economic elites to search for “non-institutional instruments to influence the
political system.”
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