Paul Goble
Staunton,
August 15 – Since the demise of the Soviet Union, more than 80 regional Muslim
spiritual directorates (MSDs) and three “super” or centralized ones, the Union
of Muftis of Russia (SMR), the Central MSD and the Coordinating Center for
Muslims of the North Caucasus, with which most of the regional MSDs are
affiliated to one degree or another.
Many
religious specialists linked to the Russian government or the Russian Orthodox
Church and some within Islam, especially Talgat Tajuddin, who heads the Central
MSD and styles himself “the supreme mufti of Holy Rus,” have long argued that
Russia’s Muslims suffer because they do not have a single leader who can speak
on behalf of them.
But
most Muslim experts disagree: they argue that the diversity of structures
reflects the democratic nature of Islam – both mullahs and muftis are elected
rather than appointed at least in most cases – and help ensure a wide diversity
of opinion that is essential to the discovery of truth even as it allows on
occasion for serious errors.
Two
who share that view, Ruslan Gereyev who heads the Center for Islamic Research
on the North Caucasus and Ruslan Aysin who edits the Poistine portal shared their thoughts with Daniyal Isayev on the
occasion of the upcoming celebration of the 20th anniversary of the
Coordinating Center (onkavkaz.com/news/2389-otsutstvie-edinogo-obscherossiiskogo-muftijata-po-tipu-russkoi-pravoslavnoi-cerkvi-luchshe-dlja.html).
Both point out that
the “super” muftiates are more places for discussion than institutions of
control. That is especially true in the North Caucasus where muftiates at the
republic level are quite strong and have close ties with political leaders
while the “super” muftiate provides them with a place to meet “as equals” and
to thrash out differences of opinion on key issues.
Gereyev
for his part says that “in fact, from the position of law and spiritual power,
the Consultative Center for Muslims of the North Caucasus is more a
consultative body. The muftiates in the localities and in the republics of the
North Caucasus are stronger and have a strict religious hierarchy. To influence
their activity from the outside is not easy.”
The North
Caucasus muftiates, he continues, “are powerful social-political organizations
and spiritual movements, the appeals of which are very important for hundreds
of thousands and millions of people living in the North Caucasus Federal
District. But what is most important is that for the state, they are a
guarantor of stability, order, and spiritual training.
“Nevertheless,
the Consultative Center as a common generator of ideas is needed. And even in
the absence of full power it is needed to set the general vector for joint
work. Analogous centers exist in practically all regions and in all confessional
communities. Besides, for the muftis, this is a space where they can speak as
equals, make declarations, and so on.”
Aysin
says that the mix of institutions is the result of the turbulent times of the
1990s but that what has emerged is not something that should be done away
with. He argues that it is better that
there is not a single MSD for the country as a whole because if it were to
exist, “the authorities would put pressure on it.”
Because
there are many MSDs and three “super” MSDs, Muslim leaders have the chance to
maneuver, something they would lose if Moscow organized a single body. And they would lose something else as well:
the competition of opinions that makes possible the emergence of truth.
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