Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 11 – On
September 7, 40 Tuvin horsemen attacked a bus carrying Russian election
observers. No one was killed, but what happened next is what matters: the Tuvin
government insisted that the Russians as interlopers were to blame and had
offended Tuvins who were simply going about their business gathering mushrooms.
Tuva, rarely discussed except by
philatelists for its remarkable triangle-shaped stamps in the 1920s and 1930s or
by admirers of the late US physicist Richard Feynman who hoped to go there, has
been developing in its own way too what ethnographer Boris Myshlyaytsev says is
something like “apartheid” was in South Africa (apn.ru/index.php?newsid=37992).
On the basis of his study of this
federal subject on the border with Mongolia which includes the poll result
cited above, the ethnographer says that to understand what the situation in
Tuva is like now, it is important to recognize that for the Tuvans, the
Russians are conquerors whose imperial center collapsed.
As a result, those Russians who remain in
Tuva are thus viewed in much the same way Russians would have viewed any
Germans who might have stayed in Kaluga after Hitler’s forces were driven from
the USSR. No one in Tuva wants to drive the Russians out – they’re leaving on
their own – but “the current government has at its goal total
de-russification.”
“Without this,” Myshlyaytsev says, “you
won’t built North Korea.” What the Tuvin
regime has done up to now is create an apartheid state, one in which the Tuvins
and Russians each understand that there are some places the members of the one
nation go and others that only members of the other do.
Tuvins are an ancient people, but in 1921,
the ethnographer recounts, they “created their own state. “Russians [there]
were citizens of the USSR; Tuvin, were citizens of Tuva (without Soviet social
guarantees. (A situation very similar to a Bantustan legally but its meaning was
somewhat different.)”
“But in general,” although political
correctness kept anyone from saying this, at that time was “set up apartheid of
the Soviet type: ‘soviet people and Tuvins.’” The Russians wiped out most but
not all of the Tuvin aristocracy – one of the descendants of which is the
current Russian defense minister – and in 1944 annexed Tuva.
After that happened, the ethnographer
says, “the Russians and Tuvins became equal, but apartheid was preserved for a
long time” – indeed right up to the present.
“Everyone knows this café is for Russians, this one is mixed, and this is
for Tuvins … But no one mentions it because that isn’t politically correct.”
For much of the time, this separateness
worked, but when either group began to feel it wasn’t being adequately
respected, it attacked the other. For
many, the choice was to leave; for others, it was to try to force the others to
decide to leave on their own volition.
But as a result, each group formed an image of the other that was
profoundly negative.
For details on the depth of this divide,
see “Russians and Tuvins: The Image of the Other” at asiarussia.ru/blogs/15844/; and
for discussions of how some on each side of the line adapted to the other and
even became something different than they had been, see ria.ru/20110416/366049476.html).
Tuva was the site of the first large race
riots at the end of Soviet times, and many ethnic Russians fled. Now, the
pressure is less direct, although the actions of the horseman raise the
possibility that things could turn violent again. Instead, the hostility each feels
toward the other and the regime’s support for one is creating the conditions for
a Tuvin future -- without Russians
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