Paul Goble
Staunton,
February 22 – The Kremlin-organized Anti-Maidan demonstration in Moscow should
not make Vladimir Putin feel secure because it was in reality an updated
version of the Day of the Black Hundreds, Boris Vishnevsky says, groups
organized by the tsarist regime to show support for the autocracy but that
later did nothing to defend it.
Just
as a century ago, demonstrators paid for by the regime or pushed to take part
by their employers or officials went into the street to “denounce the
revolution, praise autocracy, demand the preservation of the existing order and
destroy ‘the enemies of the tsar and Fatherland,’” the Yabloko St. Petersburg
city deputy says (echo.msk.ru/blog/boris_vis/1497858-echo/).
In
its current incarnation, “the heirs” of the Black Hundreds denounce the Maidan,
praise Putin and demand the destruction of ‘the Fifth Column,’” led by notorious
Stalinists, supporters of Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov, and demonstrating by
their slogans – including “’Putin is Better than Hitler’” – their level of
sophistication.
Also
like their tsarist-era predecessors, the Anti-Maidan organizers are spectacularly
unfortunate in identifying themselves in this way, as becomes obvious,
Vishnevsky says, if one compares the Maidan and the Anti-Maidan and if one
considers how the Black Hundreds groups behaved when push came to shove -- and
how the Anti-Maidan people are likely to.
In
Kyiv, people came into the Maidan “to drive out a corrupt regime.” In Moscow,
they “came to the ‘Anti-Maidan’ in order to express their loyalty and support
to the powers that be.” They did not demand the regime meet its obligations to
the people but only and instead that “the power not change.”
That
may sound good to Putin and his backers, Vishnevsky continues, but he ought not
to be too encouraged by this. That is
because “when his power begins to shake, not one of those who came to the
‘Anti-Maidan will come out in his defense” – just as a century ago, “not one of
the Black Hundreds types came out to defend the tsarist power.”
But
if Putin does not care to look that far back in time, he might consider a more
recent example, the St. Petersburg deputy says.
None of those who had shouted “’Glory to the CPSU!’” or denounced “’the
crimes of American imperialism’” came out to defend the communist regime when
it began to fall apart.
Indeed,
he suggests, like their predecessors, those in the Anti-Maidan who “equate
Putin with Russia” and swear that they will ‘not give him up’” will betray him
among the first. If Putin doesn’t believe that” – and he probably doesn’t –
“then let him ask Yanukovich,” an even more recent victim of the delusion of
those in power about how much support they have.
But
there are more reasons for Putin to be worried. The extremist slogans on offer
in the Anti-Maidan action, including anti-Semitic tropes that also link it with
the Black Hundreds of the end of the Russian Imperial period, the lack of
support from those whose names were invoked, and the small size of Anti-Maidan
actions outside of Moscow should be of even greater concern.
As
Forum-MSK.org points out today, the workers of the Urals Wagon Factory
(Uralvagonzavod) who Putin sees as symbolic of his support among Russia’s
silent majority and who were referred to be speakers at yesterday’s event in
Moscow are anything but enthusiastic about him and his policies (forum-msk.org/material/region/10711520.html).
Lacking
new orders, that plant is cutting back production plans and laying off workers,
a situation that is replicated at many industrial sites around the Russian
Federation and that hardly is an advertisement for the successes of the Putin
regime or a reason for workers to give it more than lip service support.
Outside
of the Moscow ring road, there were a number of Anti-Maidan actions. But because
the PR needs of the regime were largely satisfied by the 35,000-person crowd in
Moscow that could be shown on television and because the regional governments
now lack the resources to do more, they were very small, in some cases no more
than a handful and in others only a few dozen or a few hundred (rus-obr.ru/days/33655, rlyatas.livejournal.com/83107.html and 66.ru/news/society/169375/).
The
Kremlin may not care a lot about the size – few in the Moscow media and even
fewer Western reporters will cover anything outside of the capitals – but it
probably should be worried that those taking part were in many cases the very
Russian nationalist extremists it has been prosecuting and that their slogans
were even more extreme than those in Moscow.
Moreover,
the Kremlin’s PR specialists may be nervous about what happened when regional
media picked up on that: In many cases, they were not afraid to say that “the
meeting in support of Putin … failed.”
That is exactly what a Karelian news agency did (vesti.karelia.ru/news/miting_v_podderzhku_putina_v_petrozavodske_provalilsya
/).
In
Petrozavodsk, the republic capital, the agency said, a meeting had been
scheduled as part of “an all-Russian action ‘in support of national leader
Vladimir Putin’” with slogans like “’It is drive to drive out ‘the fifth
column.’” But in the event,
Vesti.Karelia.ru noted, “only 15 people” came out in behalf of those ideas.
It
may be that the men in the Kremlin won’t take notice of this; but there is no
question that the people of Karelia will.
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