Paul Goble
Staunton,
February 13 – Vladimir Putin’s success at intimidating the West and exploiting
both his own propaganda resources and the desire of many Western leaders not to
stand up to his aggression has led many to conclude that the Minsk accords
represent yet another in a string of political triumphs that points to more of
them ahead.
But
there are at least five reasons why such dark pessimism now may be just as
inappropriate as the unbridled optimism at the time of the Maidan and why what
Putin has achieved in Minsk is a Pyrrhic victory at best, one that if he like the
Greek general for whom that kind of battle is named seeks to extend will lead
to his own defeat or even demise.
Western
countries need to remember that, lest they continue to vacillate as they did in
much of the Cold War between unreasonable fears of what Moscow can do and
equally unreasonable optimism about where Russia is heading. Only by
considering these five factors can they craft policies that will help
themselves and help Russia by defeating Putin.
First,
as Moscow analyst Valery Solovey points out on Znak.com today, whatever he has
achieved, Putin has permanently lost Ukraine which never will look to Moscow
again as it did in the past or live quietly under Russian control, and he has
reinvigorated NATO, an alliance that had lost its raison d’etre (znak.com/moscow/articles/13-02-11-02/103558.html).
Second,
the Russian economy is in almost free fall, something that has been exacerbated
but not caused by sanctions and countersanctions but that will not be ended if
they are. And that is hitting Putin hard where he can least afford it – forcing
his regime to make a ten percent cut in the budgets of the force structures on
which he relies (kommersant.ru/doc/2665487).
Third,
Putin’s much-ballyhooed “hybrid war” has been revealed as much less powerful
than many in Moscow or the West had assumed: it only works, Russian experts
say, where there are disaffected Russian speakers but it won’t work elsewhere no
matter how much Putin thinks otherwise (ng.ru/armies/2015-02-13/3_kartblansh.html).
Fourth, a new
generation is emerging in Russia, one that does not remember the Soviet empire
Putin wants to restore. On the one hand, some of them may back him for a time
because they do not remember the horrors of that system. But on the other, over
time, as they became the dominant group in the population, they won’t want what
he wants and that will have an effect (nr2.com.ua/blogs/Ksenija_Kirillova/Pokolenie-next-vina-i-tragediya-tridcatiletnih-90275.html).
And
fifth, Russia faces a demographic collapse that makes the construction of Putin’s
“Russian world” impossible. He may be driven to try to take in more Russian
speakers by the fact that there are ever fewer Russians in Russia, but he has
little chance of reversing the country’s demographic decline and even less of
slowing its demographic transformation.
Perhaps
the most dramatic aspect of that transformation is the increasing size of the Muslim
population in a country whose leaders can’t deal with that trend, a trend highlighted
in a picture on Facebook today showing plans for a new mosque in Moscow. It is to be called “the Putin Mosque,” a
symbol of the unity of the Russian umma but hardly of the unity Putin wants (facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10202325177451112&set=a.4840381187706.1073741829.1842101818&type=1&theater).
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