Paul Goble
Staunton, July 6 – Vladimir Putin’s
statements about the need of the Russian state to come to the aid of ethnic
Russians and Russian speakers outside the Russian Federation shows that he has
no confidence in the ability of these people to survive more than a generation
or two without the intervention of the Russian state, according to Pavel
Kazarin.
And that shows that the Kremlin
leader’s views of Russians as a nation are so negative that he and his regime
merit the title as “the main Russophobe,” yet another example of Putin’s
tendency of saying that others are doing what he himself is guilty of,
according to the Ukrainian commentator (pravda.com.ua/rus/articles/2015/07/3/7073345/).
A year ago, Putin “promised to
defend ethnic Russians in Ukraine and those Ukrainians who feel an unbroken
connect with Russia,” words that he has continued to live by and that have made
him and the Kremlin behave as “the most consistent Russophobe,” precisely the
kind of person he says he is fighting against.
Putin’s regime, Kazarin continues,
have been “exploiting the thought that Russians outside of Russia are something
unthinkable, that they will lose their definition, that they will assimilate
over the course of two or three generations leaving behind them amusing
trademarks with the ending –off.”
Putin and the Kremlin have also
acted on the assumption that the state is the only basis for the continued
existence of the Russians as a nation and “from this comes the conclusion that
Russians must be resettled in Russia either individually or together with the
territories” on which they are now living.
“More than that,” Kazarin says,
“Moscow actively sells ‘Russianness’ as a kind of good.”
The Kremlin’s Russophobia means that
“over the last year and a half, namely the Kremlin itself has been able to
marginalize ethnic Russians on the entire space of the former Union, It has in
fact closed off the potential possibility for them to engage in social
struggles for their rights.”
The Kremlin, he argues, “has made
impossible any participation by them in the political life of this or that
country,” given that any effort to do so will look to everyone else as the
first step toward another Crimea or Donbas. Putin’s regime has “convinced
everyone that any organization with the word ‘Russian’ in the title is only an
irredenta movemen and a covert agent of influence oriented toward Moscow and
not to the capital of their own country.”
In addition, the Kremlin has reduced
to zero the chance that Russians can be integrated completely in the
post-Soviet countries.” It has managed
to convince everyone that Russiannness is a synonym for archaic thinking,
obscurantism and chauvinism and that anyone who doesn’t go along is “a fifth column.”
This has important consequences for
those whom the Kremlin has attacked. Everytime when some of those equate the
Kremlin and Russians, he is pouring water on the mill of official Moscow
because the current war is not an ethnic one but a war of values. It is a fight
of the pro-Soviet and the post-Soviet.”
“Ukraine today,” Kazarin continues,
“has become the frontier of a struggle” between those who want to go back to
the Soviet past and those who want to go beyond it. That is an issue which divides people in many
ways: “the ending of their last names and blood are very much secondary
matters.”
Anyone who suggests that Russians
are capable of making their own choices independent of the Kremlin is likely
going to be accused of being “an agent of the State Department” because “such
Russians are a threat for the Kremlin: by their nature, they contradict
everything that official Moscow has affixed on its banners.”
“The Kremlin is compromising
‘Russian’ in a consistent way by attempting to cut off this same ‘Russian’ any
path for retreat.” Putin and his regime “are privatizing it and imposing one
single treatment of their own past and future. The right to an alternative
system isn’t recognized, any disagreement” with the official line is treated as
betrayal.
“The aesthetic archaic quality is
being combined with the ethical,” Kazarin says. “Soveit flags with state
homophobia; Soviet rhetoric with a system of public denunciations. Self-respect
built on the absence of respect and a denigrating attitude to others.”
The Kremlin just has one problem in
this regard, the Ukrainian commentator says. “Aall this construction is
stillborn. It is impossible to win in a battle for the future if in the present
you are attempting to revive the past.” Moreover, “the Kremlin’s effort to
monopolize all things Russian is nothing more than ordinary raiding.”
When people say there is a war going
on with Russians, everyone should be aware that “this is not so.” Instead, it
is a war with the pro-Soviet past and with a Russian government whose leaders
have nothing but contempt for Russians as an independent and self-standing
people.
The good news is that many Russians
are on the other side of the battle lines from the Kremlin, something that
“pro-Kremlin writers declare this position a heresy.” That of course, Kazarin
points out, “inspires hope” that the chief Russophobe in the world is now very
much on the wrong side of history.
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