Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 11 – Because there
have been rumors that the Kremlin plans constitutional changes to allow
Vladimir Putin to remain in power or to amalgamate the federal subjects, many expected
an article by Valery Zorkin, the head of the Constitutional Court, at least to
give hints about what those might be if not to specify them in particular.
But few who know much about Zorkin’s
personal style would have expected that in his latest article, Aleksey Shaburov,
a Yekaterinburg commentator says. He
writes two or so long, verbose articles a year, few of which have any specific
proposals about current issues (politsovet.ru/60548-tochechnye-izmeneniya-konstitucii-o-chem-govoritsya-v-state-valeriya-zorkina.html).
Zorkin’s ideological position is
well-established and well-known, Shaburov continues. Put in the most general terms,
he “views the liberal treatment of human rights as inapplicable for Russia”
because to his mind, Russians are collectivist and “the largest and chief
collective is the state.”
He has “more than once said that in
the interests of the state, the rights of the individual can be limited. True,
in the Constitution of the Russian Federation is written something else, but
the chairman of the Supreme Court delicately passes this by.”
Zorkin’s new essay (rg.ru/2018/10/09/zorkin-nedostatki-v-konstitucii-mozhno-ustranit-tochechnymi-izmeneniiami.html)
is an exemplar of all that he has written before, Shaburov says; and it would
not have attracted much attention except for the rumors that the Kremlin wants
to change the constitution, something Putin’s spokesman has now denied.
“Everyone expected that precisely
Zorkin in his article would announce these changes, but these expectations
proved for naught. There is nothing of this in the article,” but a close read
shows that he wanted to send a message but not the message most of his readers
were in any way looking for.
Zorkin’s key argument was that there
should not be any radical changes in the Constitution. Instead, it should be
developed and any problems within it corrected by decisions of the
Constitutional Court he heads. Making
radical changes would be “fraught with the risk of serious social and political
destabilization.”
Put crudely, Shaburov continues, “Zorkin
is saying: why change he Constitution if we even without that can use it ‘as needed’?”
After all, that is what he has always tried to do for those in power, rejecting
things they don’t like such as local governments and promoting those they do
like the term of office of the Duma members.
The chief justice also talks about
creating a two-party system, although such systems, the experience of other
countries shows, aren’t created by the constitution but by societies working
within one, the Yekaterinburg commentator points out.
“The most concrete and specific part
of Zorkin’s essay is his attack on the European Court for Human Rights. Here he
is very clear: the head of the Constitutional Court doesn’t like that the
European Court is imposing on Russia its understanding of human rights.” In his
view, each people has the right to decide what those rights include.
Such an approach, of course, “destroys
the very idea of rights as something inherent in the individual independently
of whether society wants it or not. Thus, if society decides for example that
the right to freedom of speech isn’t necessary, that this allows such a freedom
to be dispensed with.”
Naturally, Shaburov continues, “such
a doctrine is very useful for the Russian powers that be, and of course it is
nowhere included in the principles guiding the work of the European Court for
Human Rights.” Consequently, “it is not excluded that this is the only specific
message of Zorkin’s new article.”
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