Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 25 – This week
Ukrainians and all people of goodwill around the world are marking the 85th
anniversary of the beginning of the Holodomor in 1932, the terror famine
organized by Stalin and the Soviet system that killed more than five million
Ukrainian peasants.
More than three out of four
Ukrainians now view that event as a Russian genocide against their nation as do
an increasing number of people and governments around the world (gordonua.com/blogs/nalivaychenko/rassekrechivanie-arhivov-kgb-i-vosstanovlenie-istoricheskoy-pravdy-o-golodomore-stalo-delom-moey-zhizni-219029.html).
But in focusing on this horror, one
that has come to be better appreciated internationally thanks to the heroic
efforts of Robert Conquest and Anne Applebaum, it is important to remember two
other things. On the one hand, as Ukrainian Prime Minister Wolodmyr Groisman
points out, the Ukrainian people suffered not one Holodomor but three.
In a statement, Groisman points out
that on the fourth Saturday of November, Ukrainians pause to remember the
victims of the mass hunger Moscow used against Ukraine in 1921-23, 1932-33, and
1946-47 as a form of “ethnic cleansing” designed to achieve “the destruction of
the entire people” (kmu.gov.ua/control/uk/publish/article?art_id=250450871&cat_id=244274130).
The Holodomor of 1932-33 is better
known and far better documented as an action of state-sponsored genocide
against the Ukrainian nation; but Groisman is certainly correct that the two
other terror famines reflected state policy and could have been avoided if Moscow
had been more concerned about the population than about exporting its
revolution.
And on the other hand, while it is
entirely natural that the victims of genocides should focus on their own
national tragedies, it is also important to remember that these three terror
famines under the Soviets carried off millions of other victims in Belarus, the
North Caucasus, the Volga region, the Southern Urals, Kazakhstan and elsewhere.
Russian historians often try to
minimize the genocidal aspects of the Holodomor in Ukraine by suggesting that
the causes of the famines there did not reflect any ethnic animus on the part
of Soviet leaders but rather were the product of broader problems and policies
like dislocation after wars and collectivization (lenta.ru/news/2017/11/25/golodomor/).
To honor the memory
of the Ukrainian victims of the three Holodomors inflicted on them, however, is
in no way lessened by recognizing the terror famines inflicted on others by the
Soviet regime. Instead, it is increased because it shows that Ukrainians have
moved beyond the notion that they or any other group is a unique victim.
Instead,
the Ukrainians in this way can demonstrate that something evil remains evil
regardless of who carries it out and against whom it is directed rather than
being contingent on one or the other.
And that puts them on the way to fulfilling the great Russian memoirist Nadezhda
Mandelshtam’s standard for a truly good and happy country.
As she
wrote so many years ago, “happy is the country where the despicable will at
least be despised.” That is something Ukrainians
and some others are capable of. Unfortunately, it is not something that everyone
else yet is.
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