Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 3 – Politics begins,
as Carl Schmitt reminds, when someone identifies those against which one is fighting,
Pavel Luzin says; and in that process of definition, visual symbols, like the flags
and banners protesters use, are critically important as a natural development
of opposition to the Kremlin.
As one flag displaces another or a
new flag enters the scene, the regionalist writer argues, this process will be “a
tectonic shift” in the country and “a symbolic act of separation by citizens from
the Russian powers that be and from Moscow as such which up to now has imposed
its symbols on people” (region.expert/flags/).
In 2011-2012, protesters against
dishonest elections generally carried the Russian tricolor in order to assert
the universality of citizenship and to insist that “’we are the power here,’
that in the end Russia also is a republic and its flag is our flag and not the
flag of the Kremlin.” But now, Russian tricolors are carried in protests or in
government-organized events “not so often.”
On the one hand, Luzin points out,
the government generally prefers to have banners showing not the tricolor alone
but rather a banner with the state coat of arms, a banner that in fact is the
presidential standard rather than the flag of the Russian Federation.
And on the other, in many places including
Ingushetia and the Komi Republic, demonstrators prefer to carry their own flags.
In Ingushetia, people carried both because there the Ingush saw Moscow as a
possible mediator; in Komi, the republic flag predominated because they view Moscow
as the cause of the problem, the disposal of Moscow’s trash.
This lack of complete clarity, Luzin
continues, reflects the fact that “Russian citizens often simply do not yet
equate their political position with either the tricolor or with their own
regional flags.” That does not mean that they do not feel one or the other of
these identities but rather than they don’t link those feelings with a flag.
In part, he says, that pattern has
emerged because the Russian authorities have promoted the flag in sporting
events in ways that alienate rather than attract many people. “Flags at sports stadiums in fact reflect not
so much the unity of citizens among themselves around these vents as their
unity with the powers that be.” As a result, these flags may be politically compromised.
Only as people answer for themselves
the questions implied by the assertion that “we are the power here” will not change.
People must first know who “we” are, then “what our ‘power’ is, and finally
what these answers imply as far as what we are to do. “As soon as these answers
appear, they inevitably will be expressed in symbolic language – and in the flags
people carry.
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