Paul
Goble
Staunton, January 30 – Poles and people
of good will around the world have been horrified by Moscow commentator Yevgeny
Satanovsky’s suggestion last week that Stalin had “the complete right” to
murder 13,000 Polish officers at Katyn because of “military and political
considerations.”
Fortunately, Aleksandr Tsipko of the
Moscow Institute of Economics says, Vladimir Putin not long ago took a
different position. The Kremlin leader denounced Katyn as “one of ‘the crimes
of the totalitarian regime’ of the Stalinist era” (mk.ru/politics/2020/01/30/mozhno-li-ubivat-lyudey-po-politicheskim-soobrazheniyam.html).
The Poles were killed, the senior
commentator says, for exactly the same reasons Lenin and Trotsky “killed at the
beginning of the 1920s the reactionary Orthodox clergy and Stalin at the end of
the 1930s murdered hundreds of thousands of USSR citizen which just like the Polish
hostages at Katyn were ‘died in the wool and incorrigible enemies of Soviet power.”
“In my view,” Tsipko says, “the
crime at Katyn reflectd not so much military considerations” – the Polish army
had fought the Germans not the Soviets – as the state ideology of the USSR, the
ideology of Marxism-Leninism.” When the Polish officers wouldn’t become Soviet
loyalists, there was nothing for Stalin and Beria except to murder them.
They were thus killed “not so much
from the point of view of the interests of the state than from the pint of view
of the interests of expanding the world of socialism, from the point of view of
the opportunity to export the revolution and the Soviet system onto territories
which we had freed from the Hitlerite army, Tsipko says.
That was true in 1944-1945 when the
Soviet military moved West; it was true in 1939-1940 when it joined up with
Hitler’s forces over the carcass of Poland, the result of the
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
Tsipko says that it is important to
understand this because “if an intellectual remains loyal to the ideals of
communism and October, then he is required as Yevgeny Satanovsky to recognize Stalin’s
right to murder all those who are either enemies of the ideas of communism or
its potential opponents.”
According to the commentator, “Katyn
must be considered not in the context of the conflict between Russia and Poland
but rather in the context of the continuation of the Great Terror of the end of
the 1930s directed at the strengthening of the socialist idea on the
territories controlled by the USSR.”
Satanovsky is completely part of this tradition and is
thus “more consistent and more honest” than those like Viktor Shenderovich “who
try to combine in the souls two incompatible things … love for the values of
October … and hatred for Stalin.” But
the tradition Satanovsky upholds must be denounced for what it defends.
Those
who defend what he defends “must know,” Tsipko says, “that by justifying the
repressions of the Bolsheviks toward dissidents and class enemies we sometimes tangentially
and at times without recognizing it begin to justify the crimes of Hitler.”
As
the great Russian philosopher Sergey Bulgakov wrote in early 1940, “there is no
real difference between ethnic and class racism. One can kill children as the
Hitlerites did in the gas ovens of Auschwitz but one can also kill children as
Stalin did by exiling them together with their parents to frozen Siberia.”
According
to Tsipko, “the recent position of Vladimir Putin who condemned Katyn as ‘a
crime of a totalitarian regime’ provides more for the spiritual development of
Russia than the present position of Ye. Satanovsky who justifies the tragedy of
Katyn, the murder of more than 13,000 people out of so-called ‘ideological
considerations.”
“Our
present-day patriotism which blurs the distinction between good and evil and
which leads to the justification of undoubted crimes of the Stalinist era will bring
us nothing besides harm,” the Moscow commentator continues. And he advises
those who remain loyal to the ideals of October to study just how Mussolini and
Hitler came to power.
“One
must not forget that Mussolini in Italy was given power because of the fear
that together with the Italian communists would come to power an Italian
Dzerzhinsky together with an Italian Cheka. And one must not forget that Hitler
was given power because of fears that Ernst Thalman, supported by Third
International would transform Germany into a second USSR.”
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