Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 14 – A revolution
is taking place in Russia, but it is not in the streets but in the halls of
government where the Putin regime is bringing into positions of power a new
generation of officials who are more like the Soviet-era nomenklatura than like
the people they are replacing, according to Vladimir Pastukhov.
And this change, one largely taking
place without fanfare, will have far-reaching consequences for how Russia is
ruled well into the future, even if few at the present time are talking about
it, the St. Antony’s College Russian historian says in a Polit.ru commentary
today (polit.ru/article/2014/10/14/new_generation/print/).
That Putin’s immediate entourage
consists of his friends and supporters, Pastukhov says, is no surprise: any
ruler will do that. But Putin over the past 18 months has been installing young
people aged 25 to 35 in positions where they are set to become the heads of
departments or other institutions and where their values will be the deciding
ones.
And these people not only are
quickly driving out their older predecessors but bringing to these jobs very
different values, Pastukhov argues. Among their commonalities, the historian
says, are first, that they are “people without deep roots,” who have come to
the capital from the provinces, have been relatively poor in the past, and are “ready
for anything” now.
Second, he points out, “a
significant fraction” of these new people are “directly or indirectly connected
with the Russian special services. Third, “the new cadres are in principle
apolitical.” They are not entering government service because they have an
agenda but rather because they are prepared to pursue the agenda of the leadership,
whatever it turns out to be.
And
fourth, Pastukhov says, their professional skills are not the basis for their
selection. Some of them may be very talented, but most appear to have been
selected not on that basis but precisely because they are prepared to be loyal
to those above them, an attitude that sets them apart from those they are
displacing.
The
exact role of the Presidential Administration in all this is difficult to
specify, the St. Antony’s scholar says, but clearly those being selected are “psychologically
closer” to Putin and his entourage than were their predecessors and because of
where they now are in government structures can be counted on to carry out the
will of the top.
“Within
the essentially feudal Russian state apparatus is gradually being formed a new ‘regular
bureaucracy,” which recalls the Soviet nomenklatura much more than did its
[immediate] predecessors” and which is thus likely to act and respond in many
of the same ways, Pastukhov says.
Its
re-appearance, he continues, will put an end to the often individualistic
approach of those who entered the bureaucracy in the 1990s. It will behave more
collectively because such an apparatus “can have only one brain.” If over the
last 15 years, the bureaucracy had behaved like a flock of sheep, now it will
live “according to the rules of the ant heap.”
The
“gravediggers” of the old Yeltsin elite are based “not on Bolotnoyev but at
Staraya Square,” where today is taking place its replacement by “’Putin’s
peoples commissars.’” And that “’Putin guard,” he continues, will be just as “pitiless”
to his and its opponents as the communist nomenklatura was in Stalin’s times.
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